Celebrated Travels and Travellers, Part 1.
The Exploration of the World (2024)

CELEBRATED TRAVELS AND TRAVELLERS.

CELEBRATED TRAVELS AND TRAVELLERS.

BY JULES VERNE

EXPLORATION OF THE WORLD.

LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS

REPRODUCED IN FAC-SIMILE FROM THE ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS,
GIVING THE SOURCES WHENCE THEY ARE DERIVED.

FIRST PART.

Map of the World as known to the Ancients.

Approach to Constantinople. Anselmi Banduri Imperium orientale, tomeII., p. 448. 2 vols. folio. Parisiis, 1711.

Map of the World according to Marco Polo's ideas. Vol. I., p. 134 ofthe edition of Marco Polo published in London by Colonel Yule, 2vols. 8vo.

Plan of Pekin in 1290. Yule's edition. Vol. I., p. 332.

Portrait of Jean de Béthencourt. "The discovery and conquest of theCanaries." Page 1, 12mo. Paris, 1630.

Plan of Jerusalem. "Narrative of the journey beyond seas to the HolySepulchre of Jerusalem," by Antoine Régnant, p. 229, 4to. Lyons,1573.

Prince Henry the Navigator. From a miniature engraved in "TheDiscoveries of Prince Henry the Navigator," by H. Major. 8vo. London,1877.

Christopher Columbus. Taken from "Vitæ illustrium virorum," by PaulJove. Folio. Basileæ, Perna.

Imaginary view of Seville. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages, pl. I., partIV.

Building of a caravel. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages, Americæ, part IV.,plate XIX.

Christopher Columbus on board his caravel. Th. de Bry. GrandsVoyages, Americæ, part IV., plate VI.

Embarkation of Christopher Columbus. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages,Americæ, part IV., plate VIII.

Map of the Antilles and the Gulf of Mexico. Th. de Bry. GrandsVoyages, Americæ, part V.

Fishing for Pearl oysters. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages, Americæ, partIV., plate XII.

Gold-mines in Cuba. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages, Americæ, part V.,plate I.

Vasco da Gama. From an engraving in the Cabinet des Estampes of theBibl. Nat.

La Mina. "Histoire générale des Voyages," by the Abbé Prévost. Vol.III., p. 461, 4to. 20 vols. An X. 1746.

Map of the East Coast of Africa, from the Cape of Good Hope to theCape del Gado. From the French map of the Eastern Ocean, publishedin 1740 by order of the Comte de Maurepas.

Map of Mozambique. Bibl. Nat. Estampes.

Interview with the Zamorin. "Hist. Gén. des Voyages," by Prévost.Vol. I., p. 39. 4to. An X. 20 vols. 1746.

View of Quiloa. From an engraving in the Cabinet des Estampes.Topography. (Africa).

Map of the Coasts of Persia, Guzerat, and Malabar. From the FrenchMap of the Eastern Ocean, pub. in 1740 by order of the Comte deMaurepas.

The Island of Ormuz. "Hist. Gén. des Voyages." Prévost. Vol. II., p.98.

SECOND PART.

Americus Vespucius. From an engraving in the Cabinet des Estampes ofthe Bibliothèque Nationale.

Indians devoured by dogs. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages, Americæ, partIV., plate XXII.

Punishment of Indians. Page 17 of Las Casas' "Narratio regionumindicarum per Hispanos quosdam devastatarum," 4to. Francofurti,sumptibus Th. de Bry, 1698.

Portrait of F. Cortès. From an engraving after Velasquez in theCabinet des Estampes of the Bibliothèque Nationale.

Plan of Mexico. From Clavigero and Bernal Diaz del Castillo.Jourdanet's translation, 2nd Edition.

Portrait of Pizarro. From an engraving in the Cabinet des Estampesof the Bib. Nat.

Map of Peru. From Garcilasso de la Vega. History of the Incas. 4to.Bernard, Amsterdam, 1738.

Atahualpa taken prisoner. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages, Americæ, partVI., plate VII.

Assassination of Pizarro. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages, Americæ, partVI., plate XV.

Magellan on board his caravel. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages, Americæ,part IV., plate XV.

Map of the Coast of Brazil. From the map called Henry 2nd's. Bibl.Nat., Geographical collections.

The Ladrone Islands. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages, Occidentalis Indiæ,pars VIII., p. 50.

Portrait of Sebastian Cabot. From a miniature engraved in "Theremarkable Life, adventures, and discoveries of Sebastian Cabot," byNicholls. 8vo. London, 1869.

Fragment of Cabot's map. Bibl. Nat., Geographical collections.

Map of Newfoundland and of the Mouth of the St. Lawrence. Lescarbot,"Histoire de la Nouvelle France." 12mo. Perier, Paris, 1617.

Portrait of Jacques Cartier. After Charlevoix. "History and generaldescription of New France," translated by John Gilmary Shea, p. III.6 vols. 4to. Shea, New York, 1866.

Barentz' ship fixed in the ice. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages. Tertiapars Indiæ Orientales, plate XLIV.

Interior of Barentz' house. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages. Tertia parsIndiæ Orientalis, plate XLVII.

Exterior view of Barentz' house. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages. Tertiapars Indiæ Orientalis, plate XLVIII.

Map of Nova Zembla. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages. Tertia pars IndiæOrientalis, plate LIX.

A sea-lion hunt. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages, Occidentalis Indiæ,pars VIII., p. 37.

A fight between the Dutch and the Spaniards. Th. de Bry. GrandsVoyages, "Historiarum novi orbis;" part IX., book II., page 87.

Portrait of Raleigh. From an engraving in the Cabinet des Estampesof the Bibl. Nat.

Berreo seized by Raleigh. Th. de Bry. Grands Voyages. Occid. Indiæ,part VIII., p. 64.

Portrait of Chardin. "Voyages de M. le Chevalier Chardin en Perse."Vol. I. 10 vols. 12mo. Ferrand, Rouen, 1723.

Japanese Archer. From a Japanese print engraved by Yule, vol. II., p.206.

Attack upon an Indian Town. "Voyages du Sieur de Champlain," p. 44.12mo. Collet, Paris, 1727.

NAMES OF THE PRINCIPAL TRAVELLERS

OF WHOM THE HISTORY AND TRAVELS ARE RELATED IN THIS VOLUME.

FIRST PART.

HANNO—HERODOTUS—PYTHEAS—NEARCHUS—EUDOXUS—CÆSAR—STRABO—PAUSANIAS—FA-HIAN—COSMOSINDICOPLEUSTES—ARCULPHE—WILLIBALD—SOLEYMAN—BENJAMIN OFTUDELA—PLAN DE CARPIN—RUBRUQUIS—MARCOPOLO—IBN BATUTA—JEAN DE BÉTHENCOURT—CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS—COVILHAMAND PAÏVA—VASCO DA GAMA—ALVARÈS CABRAL—JOAO DA NOVA—DA CUNHA—ALMEIDA—ALBUQUERQUE.

SECOND PART.

HOJEDA—AMERICUS VESPUCIUS—JUAN DE LA COSA—YAÑEZ PINZON—DIAZ DESOLIS—PONCE DE LEON—BALBOA—GRIJALVA—CORTÈS—PIZARRO—ALMAGRO—ALVARADO—ORELLANA—MAGELLAN—ERICTHE RED—THE ZENI—THECORTEREALS—THE CABOTS—WILLOUGHBY—CHANCELLOR—VERRAZZANO—JACQUESCARTIER—FROBISHER—JOHN DAVIS—BARENTZ AND HEEMSKERKE—DRAKE—CAVENDISH—DENOORT—W. RALEIGH—LEMAIRE AND SCHOUTEN—TASMAN—MENDANA—QUIROSAND TORRÈS—PYRARD DE LAVAL—PIETRO DELLA VALLE—TAVERNIER—THÉVENOT—BERNIER—ROBERT KNOX—CHARDIN—DEBRUYN—KÆMPFER—WILLIAM DAMPIER—HUDSON AND BAFFIN—CHAMPLAIN AND LA SALE.

PREFACE.

This narrative will comprehend not only all the explorations made inpast ages, but also all the new discoveries which have of late yearsso greatly interested the scientific world. In order to give to thiswork—enlarged perforce by the recent labours of moderntravellers,—all the accuracy possible, I have called in the aid ofa man whom I with justice regard as one of the most competentgeographers of the present day: M. Gabriel Marcel, attached to theBibliothèque Nationale.

With the advantage of his acquaintance with several foreignlanguages which are unknown to me, we have been able to go to thefountain-head, and to derive all information from absolutelyoriginal documents. Our readers will, therefore, render to M. Marcelthe credit due to him for his share in a work which will demonstratewhat manner of men the great travellers have been, from the time ofHanno and Herodotus down to that of Livingstone and Stanley.

JULES VERNE.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

FIRST PART.

CHAPTER I.

Hanno, the Carthaginian—Herodotus visits Egypt, Lybia, Ethiopia,Phoenicia, Arabia, Babylon, Persia, India, Media, Colchis, theCaspian Sea, Scythia, Thrace, and Greece—Pytheas explores thecoasts of Iberia and Gaul, the English Channel, the Isle ofAlbion, the Orkney Islands, and the land of Thule—Nearchusvisits the Asiatic coast, from the Indus to the Persian Gulf—Eudoxusreconnoitres the West Coast of Africa—Cæsar conquersGaul and Great Britain—Strabo travels over the interior ofAsia, and Egypt, Greece, and Italy

CHAPTER II.

Pliny, Hippalus, Arian, and Ptolemy—Pausanias visits Attica,Corinth, Laconia, Messenia, Elis, Achaia, Arcadia, Boeotia, andPhocis—Fa-Hian explores Kan-tcheou, Tartary, Northern India,the Punjaub, Ceylon, and Java—Cosmos Indicopleustes, and theChristian Topography of the Universe—Arculphe describesJerusalem, the valley of Jehoshaphat, the Mount of Olives,Bethlehem, Jericho, the river Jordan, Libanus, the Dead Sea,Capernaum, Nazareth, Mount Tabor, Damascus, Tyre, Alexandria,and Constantinople—Willibald and the Holy Land—Soleymantravels through Ceylon, and Sumatra, and crosses the Gulf ofSiam and the China Sea

CHAPTER III.

The Scandinavians in the North, Iceland and Greenland—Benjaminof Tudela visits Marseilles, Rome, Constantinople, theArchipelago, Palestine, Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Damascus, Baalbec,Nineveh, Baghdad, Babylon, Bassorah, Ispahan, Shiraz, Samarcand,Thibet, Malabar, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Egypt, Sicily, Italy,Germany, and France—Carpini explores Turkestan—Manners andcustoms of the Tartars—Rubruquis and the Sea of Azov, theVolga, Karakorum, Astrakhan, and Derbend

CHAPTER IV.

The interest of the Genoese and Venetian merchants inencouraging the exploration of Central Asia—The family of Polo,and its position in Venice—Nicholas and Matteo Polo, the twobrothers—They go from Constantinople to the Court of theEmperor of China—Their reception at the Court of Kublaï-Khan—TheEmperor appoints them his ambassadors to the Pope—Theirreturn to Venice—Marco Polo—He leaves his father Nicholas andhis uncle Matteo for the residence of the King of Tartary—Thenew Pope Gregory X.—The narrative of Marco Polo is written inFrench from his dictation, by Rusticien of Pisa

Armenia Minor—Armenia—Mount Ararat—Georgia—Mosul, Baghdad,Bussorah, Tauris—Persia—The Province of Kirman—Comadi—Ormuz—TheOld Man of the Mountain—Cheburgan—Balkh—Cashmir—Kashgar—Samarcand—Kotan—TheDesert—Tangun—Kara-Korum—Signan-fu—The GreatWall—Chang-tou—The residence ofKublaï-Khan—Cambaluc, now Pekin—The Emperor's fêtes—Hishunting—Description of Pekin—Chinese Mint and bank-notes—Thesystem of posts in the Empire

Tso-cheu—Tai-yen-fou—Pin-yang-fou—The YellowRiver—Signan-fou—Szu-tchouan—Ching-tu-fou—Thibet—Li-kiang-fou—Carajan—Yung-tchang—Mien—Bengal—Annam—Tai-ping—Cintingui—Sindifoo—Té-cheu—Tsi-nan-fou—Lin-tsin-choo—Lin-sing—Mangi—Yang-tcheu-fou—Townson the coast—Quin-say or Hang-tcheou-foo—Fo-kien

Japan—Departure of the three Venetians with the Emperor'sdaughter and the Persian ambassadors—Sai-gon—Java—Condor—Bintang—Sumatra—TheNicobar Islands—Ceylon—The Coromandelcoast—The Malabar coast—The Sea of Oman—The island ofSocotra—Madagascar—Zanzibar and the coast of Africa—Abyssinia—Yemen—Hadramautand Oman—Ormuz—The return toVenice—A feast in the household of Polo—Marco Polo a Genoeseprisoner—Death of Marco Polo about 1323

CHAPTER V.

Ibn Batuta—The Nile—Gaza, Tyre, Tiberias, Libanus, Baalbec,Damascus, Meshid, Bussorah, Baghdad, Tabriz, Mecca and Medina—Yemen—Abyssinia—Thecountry of the Berbers—Zanguebar—Ormuz—Syria—Anatolia—AsiaMinor—Astrakhan—Constantinople—Turkestan—Herat—TheIndus—Delhi—Malabar—The Maldives—Ceylon—The Coromandelcoast—Bengal—The Nicobar Islands—Sumatra—China—Africa—The Niger—Timbuctoo

CHAPTER VI.

The Norman cavalier—His ideas of conquest—What was known ofthe Canary Islands—Cadiz—The Canary Archipelago—Graciosa—Lancerota—Fortaventura—Jeande Béthencourt returns to Spain—Revolt of Berneval—His interview with KingHenry III.—Gadifervisits the Canary Archipelago—Canary Island or "Gran Canaria"—FerroIsland—Palma Island

The return of Jean de Béthencourt—Gadifer's jealousy—Béthencourtvisits his archipelago—Gadifer goes to conquer GranCanaria—Disagreement of the two commanders—Their return toSpain—Gadifer blamed by the King—Return of Béthencourt—Thenatives of Fortaventura are baptized—Béthencourt revisitsCaux—Returns to Lancerota—Lands on the African coast—Conquestof Gran Canaria, Ferro, and Palma Islands—Maciot appointedGovernor of the archipelago—Béthencourt obtains the Pope'sconsent to the Canary Islands being made an Episcopal See—Hisreturn to his country and his death

CHAPTER VII.

Discovery of Madeira, Cape de Verd Islands, the Azores, Congo,and Guinea—Bartholomew Diaz—Cabot and Labrador—Thegeographical and commercial tendencies of the middle ages—Theerroneous idea of the distance between Europe and Asia—Birth ofChristopher Columbus—His first voyages—His plans rejected—Hissojourn at the Franciscan convent—His reception by Ferdinandand Isabella—Treaty of the 17th of April, 1492—The brothersPinzon—Three armed caravels at the port of Palos—Departure onthe 3rd of August, 1492

First voyage: The Great Canary—Gomera—Magnetic variation—Symptomsof revolt—Land, land—San Salvador—Takingpossession—Conception—Fernandina or Great Exuma—Isabella, orLong Island—The Mucaras—Cuba—Description of the island—Archipelagoof Notre-Dame—Hispaniola or San Domingo—TortugaIsland—The cacique on board the Santa-Maria—The caravel ofColumbus goes aground and cannot be floated off—Island ofMonte-Christi—Return—Tempest—Arrival in Spain—Homagerendered to Christopher Columbus

Second Voyage: Flotilla of seventeen vessels—Island ofFerro—Dominica—Marie-Galante—Guadaloupe—TheCannibals—Montserrat—Santa-Maria-la-Rodonda—St. Martin and Santa Cruz—Archipelagoof the Eleven Thousand Virgins—The island of St. John Baptist,or Porto Rico—Hispaniola—The first Colonists massacred—Foundationof the town of Isabella—Twelve ships laden withtreasure sent to Spain—Fort St. Thomas built in the Province ofCibao—Don Diego, Columbus' brother, named Governor of theIsland—Jamaica—The Coast of Cuba—The Remora—Return toIsabella—The Cacique made prisoner—Revolt of theNatives—Famine—Columbus traduced in Spain—Juan Aguado sent asCommissary to Isabella—Gold-mines—Departure of Columbus—Hisarrival at Cadiz

Third Voyage: Madeira—Santiago in the Cape VerdArchipelago—Trinidad—First sight of the American Coast in Venezuela, beyondthe Orinoco, now the Province of Cumana—Gulf of Paria—TheGardens—Tobago—Grenada—Margarita—Cubaga—Hispaniola duringthe absence of Columbus—Foundation of the town of San Domingo—Arrivalof Columbus—Insubordination in the Colony—Complaintsin Spain—Bovadilla sent by the king to inquire into the conduct ofColumbus—Columbus sent to Europe in fetters with his twobrothers—His appearance before Ferdinand and Isabella—Renewalof royal favour

Fourth Voyage: A Flotilla of four vessels—CanaryIslands—Martinique—Dominica—Santa-Cruz—Porto-Rico—Hispaniola—Jamaica—CaymanIsland—Pinos Island—Island of Guanaja—CapeHonduras—The American Coast of Truxillo on the Gulf of Darien—TheLimonare Islands—Huerta—The Coast of Veragua—AuriferousStrata—Revolt of the Natives—The Dream of Columbus—Porto-Bello—TheMulatas—Putting into port at Jamaica—Distress—Revolt ofthe Spaniards against Columbus—LunarEclipse—Arrival of Columbus at Hispaniola—Return of Columbusto Spain—His death, on the 20th of March, 1506

CHAPTER VIII.

Covilham and Païva—Vasco da Gama—The Cape of Good Hope isdoubled—Escalès at Sam-Braz—Mozambique, Mombaz, and Melinda—Arrivalat Calicut—Treason of the Zamorin—Battles—Return toEurope—The scurvy—Death of Paul da Gama—Arrival at Lisbon

Alvarès Cabral—Discovery of Brazil—The coast ofAfrica—Arrival at Calicut, Cochin, Cananore—Joao da Nova—Gama'ssecond expedition—The King of Cochin—The early life ofAlbuquerque—The taking of Goa—The siege and capture ofMalacca—Second expedition against Ormuz—Ceylon—TheMoluccas—Death of Albuquerque—Fate of the Portuguese empire of theIndies

SECOND PART.

CHAPTER I.

Hojeda—Americus Vespucius—The New World named after him—Juande la Cosa—Vincent Yañez Pinzon—Bastidas—Diego de Lepe—Diazde Solis—Ponce de Leon and Florida—Balboa discovers thePacific Ocean—Grijalva explores the coast of Mexico

Ferdinand Cortès—His character—His appointment—Preparationsfor the expedition, and attempts of Velasquez to stop it—Landingat Vera-Cruz—Mexico and the Emperor Montezuma—Therepublic of Tlascala—March upon Mexico—The Emperor is madeprisoner—Narvaez defeated—The Noche Triste—Battle ofOtumba—The second siege and taking of Mexico—Expedition toHonduras—Voyage to Spain—Expeditions on the Pacific Ocean—SecondVoyage of Cortès to Spain—His death

The triple alliance—Francisco Pizarro and his brothers—DonDiego d'Almagro—First attempts—Peru, its extent, people, andkings—Capture of Atahualpa, his ransom and death—Pedrod'Alvarado—Almagro in Chili—Strife among the conquerors—Trialand execution of Almagro—Expeditions of Gonzalo Pizarro andOrellana—Assassination of Francisco Pizarro—Rebellion andexecution of his brother Gonzalo

CHAPTER II.

Magellan—His early history—His disappointment—His change ofnationality—Preparations for the expedition—Rio de Janeiro—St. Julian's Bay—Revolt of a part of the squadron—Terriblepunishment of the guilty—Magellan's Strait—Patagonia—ThePacific—The Ladrone Islands—Zebu and the Philippine Islands—Death of Magellan—Borneo—The Moluccas and their Productions—Separation of the Trinidad and Victoria—Return to Europe bythe Cape of Good Hope—Last misadventures

CHAPTER III.

The Northmen—Eric the Red—The Zenos—JohnCabot—Cortereal—Sebastian Cabot—Willoughby—Chancellor

John Verrazzano—Jacques Cartier and his three voyages toCanada—The town of Hochelaga—Tobacco—The scurvy—Voyage ofRoberval—Martin Frobisher and his voyages—John Davis—Barentzand Heemskerke—Spitzbergen—Winter season at Nova Zembla—Return to Europe—Relics of the Expedition

CHAPTER IV.

Drake—Cavendish—De Noort—Walter Raleigh

CHAPTER V.

Distinguishing characteristics of the Seventeenth Century—Themore thorough exploration of regions previously discovered—Tothe thirst for gold succeeds Apostolic zeal—ItalianMissionaries in Congo—Portuguese Missionaries in Abyssinia—Bruein Senegal and Flacourt in Madagascar—The Apostles ofIndia, of Indo-China, and of Japan

The Dutch in the Spice Islands—Lemaire and Schouten—Tasman—Mendana—Queirosand Torrès—Pyrard de Laval—Pietro dellaValle—Tavernier—Thévenot—Bernier—Robert Knox—Chardin—DeBruyn—Kæmpfer

CHAPTER VI.

William Dampier; or a Sea-King of the Seventeenth Century

Hudson and Baffin—Champlain and La Sale—The English upon thecoast of the Atlantic—The Spaniards in South America—Summaryof the information acquired at the close of the 17th century—Themeasure of the terrestrial degree—Progress of cartography—Inaugurationof Mathematical Geography

CHAPTER I.

Hanno, the Carthaginian—Herodotus visits Egypt, Lybia, Ethiopia,Phoenicia, Arabia, Babylon, Persia, India, Media, Colchis, theCaspian Sea, Scythia, Thrace, and Greece—Pytheas explores thecoasts of Iberia and Gaul, the English Channel, the Isle of Albion,the Orkney Islands, and the land of Thule—Nearchus visits theAsiatic coast, from the Indus to the Persian Gulf—Eudoxusreconnoitres the West Coast of Africa—Cæsar conquers Gaul and GreatBritain—Strabo travels over the interior of Asia, and Egypt, Greece,and Italy.

The first traveller of whom we have any account in history, is Hanno,who was sent by the Carthaginian senate to colonize some parts ofthe Western coast of Africa. The account of this expedition waswritten in the Carthaginian language and afterwards translated intoGreek. It is known to us now by the name of the "Periplus of Hanno."At what period this explorer lived, historians are not agreed, butthe most probable account assigns the date B.C. 505 to hisexploration of the African coast.

Hanno left Carthage with a fleet of sixty vessels of fifty oars each,carrying 30,000 persons, and provisions for a long voyage. Theseemigrants, for so we may call them, were destined to people the newtowns that the Carthaginians hoped to found on the west coast ofLibya, or as we now call it, Africa.

The fleet successfully passed the Pillars of Hercules, the rocks ofGibraltar and Ceuta which command the Strait, and ventured on theAtlantic, taking a southerly course. Two days after passing theStraits, Hanno anchored on the coast, and laid the foundation of thetown of Thumiaterion.

Then he put to sea again, and doubling the cape of Soloïs, madefresh discoveries, and advanced to the mouth of a large Africanriver, where he found a tribe of wandering shepherds camping on thebanks. He only waited to conclude a treaty of alliance with them,before continuing his voyage southward. He next reached the Islandof Cerne, situated in a bay, and measuring five stadia incircumference, or as we should say at the present day, nearly 925yards. According to Hanno's own account, this island should beplaced, with regard to the Pillars of Hercules, at an equal distanceto that which separates these Pillars from Carthage.

They set sail again, and Hanno reached the mouth of the riverChretes, which forms a sort of natural harbour, but as theyendeavoured to explore this river, they were assailed with showersof stones from the native negro race, inhabiting the surroundingcountry, and driven back, and after this inhospitable reception theyreturned to Cerne. We must not omit to add that Hanno mentionsfinding large numbers of crocodiles and hippopotami in this river.Twelve days after this unsuccessful expedition, the fleet reached amountainous region, where fragrant trees and shrubs abounded, and itthen entered a vast gulf which terminated in a plain. This regionappeared quite calm during the day, but after nightfall it wasillumined by tongues of flame, which might have proceeded from fireslighted by the natives, or from the natural ignition of the drygrass when the rainy season was over.

In five days, Hanno doubled the Cape, known as the Hespera Keras,there, according to his own account, "he heard the sound of fifes,cymbals, and tambourines, and the clamour of a multitude of people."The soothsayers, who accompanied the party of Carthaginian explorers,counselled flight from this land of terrors, and, in obedience totheir advice, they set sail again, still taking a southerly course.They arrived at a cape, which, stretching southwards, formed a gulf,called Notu Keras, and, according to M. D'Avezac, this gulf musthave been the mouth of the river Ouro, which falls into the Atlanticalmost within the Tropic of Cancer. At the lower end of this gulf,they found an island inhabited by a vast number of gorillas, whichthe Carthaginians mistook for hairy savages. They contrived to getpossession of three female gorillas, but were obliged to kill themon account of their great ferocity.

This Notu Keras must have been the extreme limit reached by theCarthaginian explorers, and though some historians incline to thebelief that they only went to Bojador, which is two degrees North ofthe tropics, it is more probable that the former account is the trueone, and that Hanno, finding himself short of provisions, returnednorthwards to Carthage, where he had the account of his voyageengraved in the temple of Baal Moloch.

After Hanno, the most illustrious of ancient travellers, wasHerodotus, who has been called the "Father of History," and who wasthe nephew of the poet Panyasis, whose poems ranked with those ofHomer and Hesiod. It will serve our purpose better if we only speakof Herodotus as a traveller, not an historian, as we wish to followhim so far as possible through the countries that he traversed.

Herodotus was born at Halicarnassus, a town in Asia Minor, in theyear B.C. 484. His family were rich, and having large commercialtransactions they were able to encourage the taste for explorationswhich he showed. At this time there were many different opinions asto the shape of the earth: the Pythagorean school having even thenbegun to teach that it must be round, but Herodotus took no part inthis discussion, which was of the deepest interest to learned men ofthat time, and, still young, he left home with a view of exploringwith great care all the then known world, and especially those partsof it of which there were but few and uncertain data.

He left Halicarnassus in 464, being then twenty years of age, andprobably directed his steps first to Egypt, visiting Memphis,Heliopolis, and Thebes. He seems to have specially turned hisattention to the overflow of the banks of the Nile, and he gives anaccount of the different opinions held as to the source of thisriver, which the Egyptians worshipped as one of their deities. "Whenthe Nile overflows its banks," he says, "you can see nothing but thetowns rising out of the water, and they appear like the islands inthe Ægean Sea." He tells of the religious ceremonies among theEgyptians, their sacrifices, their ardour in celebrating the feastsin honour of their goddess Isis, which took place principally atBusiris (whose ruins may still be seen near Bushir), and of theveneration paid to both wild and tame animals, which were lookedupon almost as sacred, and to whom they even rendered funeralhonours at their death. He depicts in the most faithful colours, theNile crocodile, its form, habits, and the way in which it is caught,and the hippopotamus, the momot, the phoenix, the ibis, and theserpents that were consecrated to the god Jupiter. Nothing can bemore life-like than his accounts of Egyptian customs, and thenotices of their habits, their games, and their way of embalming thedead, in which the chemists of that period seem to have excelled.Then we have the history of the country from Menes, its first king,downwards to Herodotus' time, and he describes the building of thePyramids under Cheops, the Labyrinth that was built a little abovethe Lake Moeris (of which the remains were discovered in A.D. 1799),Lake Moeris itself, whose origin he ascribes to the hand of man, andthe two Pyramids which are situated a little above the lake. Heseems to have admired many of the Egyptian temples, and especiallythat of Minerva at Sais, and of Vulcan and Isis at Memphis, and thecolossal monolith that was three years in course of transportationfrom Elephantina to Sais, though 2000 men were employed on thegigantic work.

After having carefully inspected everything of interest in Egypt,Herodotus went into Lybia, little thinking that the continent he wasexploring, extended thence to the tropic of Cancer. He made specialinquiries in Lybia as to the number of its inhabitants, who were asimple nomadic race principally living near the sea-coast, and hespeaks of the Ammonians, who possessed the celebrated temple ofJupiter Ammon, the remains of which have been discovered on thenorth-east side of the Lybian desert, about 300 miles from Cairo.Herodotus furnishes us with some very valuable information on Lybiancustoms; he describes their habits; speaks of the animals thatinfest the country, serpents of a prodigious size, lions, elephants,bears, asps, horned asses (probably the rhinoceros of the presentday), and cynocephali, "animals with no heads, and whose eyes areplaced on their chest," to use his own expression; foxes, hyenas,porcupines, wild zarus, panthers, etc. He winds up his descriptionby saying that the only two aboriginal nations that inhabit thisregion are the Lybians and Ethiopians.

According to Herodotus the Ethiopians were at that time to be foundabove Elephantina, but commentators are induced to doubt if thislearned explorer ever really visited Ethiopia, and if he did not, hemay easily have learnt from the Egyptians the details that he givesof its capital, Meroe, of the worship of Jupiter and Bacchus, andthe longevity of the natives. There can be no doubt, however, thathe set sail for Tyre in Phoenicia, and that he was much struck withthe beauty of the two magnificent temples of Hercules. He nextvisited Tarsus and took advantage of the information gathered on thespot, to write a short history of Phoenicia, Syria, and Palestine.

We next find that he went southward to Arabia, and he calls it theEthiopia of Asia, for he thought the southern parts of Arabia werethe limits of human habitation. He tells us of the remarkable way inwhich the Arabs kept any vow that they might have made; that theirtwo deities were Uranius and Bacchus, and of the abundant growth ofmyrrh, cinnamon and other spices, and he gives a very interestingaccount of their culture and preparation.

We cannot be quite sure which country he next visited, as he callsit both Assyria and Babylonia, but he gives a most minute account ofthe splendid city of Babylon (which was the home of the monarchs ofthat country, after the destruction of Nineveh), and whose ruins arenow only in scattered heaps on either side of the Euphrates, whichflowed a broad, deep, rapid river, dividing the city into two parts.On one side of the river the fortified palace of the king stood, andon the other the temple of Jupiter Belus, which may have been builton the site of the Tower of Babel. Herodotus next speaks of the twoqueens, Semiramis and Nitocris, telling us of all the means taken bythe latter to increase the prosperity and safety of her capital, andpassing on to speak of the natural products of the country, thewheat, barley, millet, sesame, the vine, fig-tree and palm-tree. Hewinds up with a description of the costume of the Babylonians, andtheir customs, especially that of celebrating their marriages by thepublic crier.

The Marriage Ceremony.

After exploring Babylonia he went to Persia, and as the expresspurpose of his travels was to collect all the information he couldrelating to the lengthy wars that had taken place between thePersians and Grecians, he was most anxious to visit the spots wherethe battles had been fought. He sets out by remarking upon thecustom prevalent in Persia, of not clothing their deities in anyhuman form, nor erecting temples nor altars where they might beworshipped, but contenting themselves with adoring them on the topsof the mountains. He notes their domestic habits, their disdain ofanimal food, their taste for delicacies, their passion for wine, andtheir custom of transacting business of the utmost importance whenthey had been drinking to excess; their curiosity as to the habitsof other nations, their love of pleasure, their warlike qualities,their anxiety for the education of their children, their respect forthe lives of all their fellow-creatures, even of their slaves, theirhorror both of debt and lying, and their repugnance to the diseaseof leprosy which they thought proved that the sufferer "had sinnedin some way against the sun." The India of Herodotus, according to M.Vivien de St. Martin, only consisted of that part of the countrythat is watered by the five rivers of the Punjaub, adjoiningAfghanistan, and this was the region where the young travellerturned his steps on leaving Persia. He thought that the populationof India was larger than that of any other country, and he dividedit into two classes, the first having settled habitations, thesecond leading a nomadic life. Those who lived in the eastern partof the country killed their sick and aged people, and ate them,while those in the north, who were a finer, braver, and moreindustrious race, employed themselves in collecting the auriferoussands. India was then the most easterly extremity of the inhabitedworld, as he thought, and he observes, "that the two extremities ofthe world seem to have shared nature's best gifts, as Greece enjoyedthe most agreeable temperature possible," and that was his idea ofthe western limits of the world.

Media is the next country visited by this indefatigable traveller,and he gives the history of the Medes, the nation which was thefirst to shake off the Assyrian yoke. They founded the great city ofEcbatana, and surrounded it with seven concentric walls. They becamea separate nation in the reign of Deioces. After crossing themountains that separate Media from Colchis, the Greek travellerentered the country, made famous by the valour of Jason, and studiedits manners and customs with the care and attention that were amonghis most striking characteristics.

Herodotus seems to have been well acquainted with the geography ofthe Caspian Sea, for he speaks of it as a Sea "quite by itself" andhaving no communication with any other. He considered that it wasbounded on the west by the Caucasian Mountains and on the east by agreat plain inhabited by the Massagetæ, who, both Arian and DiodorusSiculus think, may have been Scythians. These Massagetæ worshippedthe Sun as their only deity, and sacrificed horses in its honour. Hespeaks here of two large rivers, one of which, the Araxes, would bethe Volga, and the other, that he calls the Ista, must be the Danube.The traveller then went into Scythia, and he thought that theScythians were the different tribes inhabiting the country that laybetween the Danube and the Don, in fact a considerable portion ofEuropean Russia. He found the barbarous custom of putting out theeyes of their prisoners was practised among them, and he noticesthat they only wandered from place to place without caring tocultivate their land. Herodotus relates many of the fables that makethe origin of the Scythian nation so obscure, and in which Herculesplays a prominent part. He adds a list of the different tribes thatcomposed the Scythian nation, but he does not seem to have visitedthe country lying to the north of the Euxine, or Black Sea. He givesa minute description of the habits of these people, and expresseshis admiration for the Pontus Euxinus. The dimensions that he givesof the Black Sea, the Bosphorus, of the Propontis, the Palus Mæotisand of the Ægean Sea, are almost exactly the same as those given bygeographers of the present day. He also names the large rivers thatflow into these seas. The Ister or Danube, the Borysthenes orDnieper, the Tanais, or Don; and he finishes by relating how thealliance, and afterwards the union between the Scythians and Amazonstook place, which explains the reason why the young women of thatcountry are not allowed to marry before they have killed an enemyand established their character for valour.

After a short stay in Thrace, during which he was convinced that theGetæ were the bravest portion of this race, Herodotus arrived inGreece, which was to be the termination of his travels, to thecountry where he hoped to collect the only documents still wantingto complete his history, and he visited all the spots that hadbecome illustrious by the great battles fought between the Greeksand Persians. He gives a minute description of the Pass ofThermopylæ, and of his visit to the plain of Marathon, thebattlefield of Platæa, and his return to Asia Minor, whence hepassed along the coast on which the Greeks had established severalcolonies. Herodotus can only have been twenty-eight years of agewhen he returned to Halicarnassus in Caria, for it was in B.C. 456that he read the history of his travels at the Olympic Games. Hiscountry was at that time oppressed by Lygdamis, and he was exiled toSamos; but though he soon after rose in arms to overthrow the tyrant,the ingratitude of his fellow-citizens obliged him to return intoexile. In 444 he took part in the games at the Pantheon, and therehe read his completed work, which was received with enthusiasm, andtowards the end of his life he retired to Thurium in Italy, where hedied, B.C. 406, leaving behind him the reputation of being thegreatest traveller and the most celebrated historian of antiquity.

After Herodotus we must pass over a century and a half, and onlynote, in passing, the Physician Ctesias, a contemporary of Xenophon,who published the account of a voyage to India that he really nevermade; and we shall come in chronological order to Pytheas, who wasat once a traveller, geographer, and historian, one of the mostcelebrated men of his time. It was about the year B.C. 340 thatPytheas set out from the columns of Hercules with a single vessel,but instead of taking a southerly course like his Carthaginianpredecessors, he went northwards, passing by the coasts of Iberiaand Gaul to the furthest points which now form the Cape ofFinisterre, and then he entered the English Channel and came uponthe English coast—the British Isles—of which he was to be thefirst explorer. He disembarked at various points on the coast andmade friends with the simple, honest, sober, industrious inhabitants,who traded largely in tin.

Pytheas ventured still further north, and went beyond the OrcadesIslands to the furthest point of Scotland, and he must have reacheda very high latitude, for during the summer the night only lastedtwo hours. After six days further sailing, he came to lands which hecalls Thule, probably the Jutland or Norway of the present day,beyond which he could not pass, for he says, "there was neither land,sea, nor air there." He retraced his course, and changing itslightly, he came to the mouth of the Rhine, to the country of theOstians, and, further inland, to Germany. Thence he visited themouth of the Tanais, that is supposed to be the Elbe or the Oder,and he retuned to Marseilles, just a year after leaving his nativetown. Pytheas, besides being such a brave sailor, was a remarkablyscientific man: he was the first to discover the influence that themoon exercises on the tides, and to notice that the polar star isnot situated at the exact spot at which the axis of the globe issupposed to be. Some years after the time of Pytheas, about B.C. 326a Greek traveller made his name famous. This was Nearchus, a nativeof Crete, one of Alexander's admirals, and he was charged to visitall the coast of Asia from the mouth of the Indus to that of theEuphrates. When Alexander first resolved that this expedition shouldtake place, which had for its object the opening up of acommunication between India and Egypt, he was at the upper part ofthe Indus. He furnished Nearchus with a fleet of thirty-threegalleys, of some vessels with two decks, and a great number oftransport ships, and 2000 men. Nearchus came down the Indus in aboutfour months, escorted on either bank of the river by Alexander'sarmies, and after spending seven months in exploring the Delta, heset sail and followed the west line of what we call Beloochistan inthe present day.

He put to sea on the second of October, a month before the winterstorms had taken a direction that was favourable to his purpose, sothat the commencement of his voyage was disastrous, and in fortydays he had scarcely made eighty miles in a westerly direction. Hetouched first at Stura and at Corestis, which do not seem to answerto any of the now-existing villages on the coast; then at the Islandof Crocala, which forms the bay of Caranthia. Beaten back bycontrary winds, after doubling the cape of Monze, the fleet tookrefuge in a natural harbour that its commander thought that he couldfortify as a defence against the attacks of the barbarous natives,who, even at the present day, keep up their character as pirates.

After spending twenty-four days in this harbour, Nearchus put to seaagain on the 3rd of November. Severe gales often obliged him to keepvery near the coast, and when this was the case he was obliged totake all possible precautions to defend himself from the attacks ofthe ferocious Beloochees, who are described by eastern historians"as a barbarous nation, with long dishevelled hair, and long flowingbeards, who are more like bears or satyrs than human beings." Up tothis time, however, no serious disaster had happened to the fleet,but on the 10th of November in a heavy gale two galleys and a shipsank. Nearchus then anchored at Crocala, and there he was met by aship laden with corn that Alexander had sent out to him, and he wasable to supply each vessel with provisions for ten days.

After many disasters and a skirmish with some of the natives,Nearchus reached the extreme point of the land of the Orites, whichis marked in modern geography by Cape Morant. Here, he states in hisnarrative that the rays of the sun at mid-day are vertical, andtherefore there are no shadows of any kind; but this is surely amistake, for at this time in the Southern hemisphere the sun is inthe Tropic of Capricorn; and, beyond this, his vessels were alwayssome degrees distant from the Tropic of Cancer, therefore even inthe height of summer this phenomenon could not have taken place, andwe know that his voyage was in winter.

Circ*mstances seemed now rather more in his favour; for the time ofthe eastern monsoon was over, when he sailed along the coast whichis inhabited by a tribe called Ichthyophagi, who subsist solely onfish, and from the failure of all vegetation are obliged to feedeven their sheep upon the same food. The fleet was now becoming veryshort of provisions; so after doubling Cape Posmi Nearchus took apilot from those shores on board his own vessel, and with the windin their favour they made rapid progress, finding the country lessbare as they advanced, a few scattered trees and shrubs beingvisible from the shore. They reached a little town, of the name ofwhich we have no record, and as they were almost without foodNearchus surprised and took possession of it, the inhabitants makingbut little resistance. Canasida, or Churbar as we call it, was theirnext resting-place, and at the present day the ruins of a town arestill visible in the bay. But their corn was now entirely exhausted,and though they tried successively at Canate, Trois, and Dagasirafor further supplies, it was all in vain, these miserable littletowns not being able to furnish more than enough for their ownconsumption. The fleet had neither corn nor meat, and they could notmake up their minds to feed upon the tortoises that abound in thatpart of the coast.

Just as they entered the Persian Gulf they encountered an immensenumber of whales, and the sailors were so terrified by their sizeand number, that they wished to fly; it was not without muchdifficulty that Nearchus at last prevailed upon them to advanceboldly, and they soon scattered their formidable enemies.

Nearchus leading on his followers against the monsters of the deep.

Having changed their westerly course for a north-easterly one, theysoon came upon fertile shores, and their eyes were refreshed by thesight of corn-fields and pasture-lands, interspersed with all kindsof fruit-trees except the olive. They put into Badis or Jask, andafter leaving it and passing Maceta or Mussendon, they came in sightof the Persian Gulf, to which Nearchus, following the geography ofthe Arabs, gave the misnomer of the Red Sea.

They sailed up the gulf, and after one halt reached Harmozia, whichhas since given its name to the little island of Ormuz. There helearnt that Alexander's army was only five days' march from him, andhe disembarked at once, and hastened to meet it. No news of thefleet having reached the army for twenty-one weeks, they had givenup all hope of seeing it again, and great was Alexander's joy whenNearchus appeared before him, though the hardships he had enduredhad altered him almost beyond recognition. Alexander ordered gamesto be celebrated and sacrifices offered up to the gods; thenNearchus returned to Harmozia, as he wished to go as far as Susawith the fleet, and set sail again, having invoked Jupiter theDeliverer.

He touched at some of the neighbouring islands, probably those ofArek and Kismis, and soon afterwards the vessels ran aground, butthe advancing tide floated them again, and after passing Bestion,they arrived at the island of Keish, that is sacred to Mercury andVenus. This was the boundary-line between Karmania and Persia. Asthey advanced along the Persian coast, they visited different places,Gillam, Indarabia, Shevou, &c., and at the last-named was found aquantity of wheat which Alexander had sent for the use of theexplorers.

Some days after this they came to the mouth of the river Araxes,that separates Persia from Susiana, and thence they reached a largelake situated in the country now called Dorghestan, and finallyanchored near the village of Degela, at the source of the Euphrates,having accomplished their project of visiting all the coast lyingbetween the Euphrates and Indus. Nearchus returned a second time toAlexander, who rewarded him magnificently, and placed him in commandof his fleet. Alexander's wish, that the whole of the Arabian coastshould be explored as far as the Red Sea, was never fulfilled, as hedied before the expedition was arranged.

It is said that Nearchus became governor of Lysia and Pamphylia, butin his leisure time he wrote an account of his travels, which hasunfortunately perished, though not before Arian had made a completeanalysis of it in his Historia Indica. It seems probable thatNearchus fell in the battle of Ipsu, leaving behind him thereputation of being a very able commander; his voyage may be lookedupon as an event of no small importance in the history of navigation.

We must not omit to mention a most hazardous attempt made in B.C.146, by Eudoxus of Cyzicus, a geographer living at the court ofEuergetes II, to sail round Africa. He had visited Egypt and thecoast of India, when this far greater project occurred to him, onewhich was only accomplished sixteen hundred years later by Vasco daGama. Eudoxus fitted out a large vessel and two smaller ones, andset sail upon the unknown waters of the Atlantic. How far he tookthese vessels we do not know, but after having had communicationwith some natives, whom he thought were Ethiopians, he returned toMauritania. Thence he went to Tiberia, and made preparations foranother attempt to circumnavigate Africa, but whether he ever setout upon this voyage is not known; in fact some learned men are eveninclined to consider Eudoxus an impostor.

We have still to mention two names of illustrious travellers, livingbefore the Christian era; those of Cæsar and Strabo. Cæsar, born B.C.100, was pre-eminently a conqueror, not an explorer, but we mustremember, that in the year B.C. 58, he undertook the conquest ofGaul, and during the ten years that were occupied in this vastenterprise, he led his victorious Legions to the shores of GreatBritain, where the inhabitants were of German extraction.

As to Strabo, who was born in Cappadocia B.C. 50, he distinguishedhimself more as a geographer than a traveller, but he travelledthrough the interior of Asia, and visited Egypt, Greece, and Italy,living many years in Rome, and dying there in the latter part of thereign of Tiberius. Strabo wrote a Geography in seventeen Books, ofwhich the greater part has come down to us, and this work, with thatof Ptolemy, are the two most valuable legacies of ancient to modernGeographers.

CHAPTER II.

Pliny, Hippalus, Arian, and Ptolemy—Pausanias visits Attica,Corinth, Laconia, Messenia, Elis, Achaia, Arcadia, Boeotia, andPhocis—Fa-Hian explores Kan-tcheou, Tartary, Northern India, thePunjaub, Ceylon, and Java—Cosmos Indicopleustes, and the ChristianTopography of the Universe—Arculphe describes Jerusalem, the valleyof Jehoshaphat, the Mount of Olives, Bethlehem, Jericho, the riverJordan, Libanus, the Dead Sea, Capernaum, Nazareth, Mount Tabor,Damascus, Tyre, Alexandria, and Constantinople—Willibald and theHoly Land—Soleyman travels through Ceylon, and Sumatra, and crossesthe Gulf of Siam and the China Sea.

In the first two centuries of the Christian era, the study ofgeography received a great stimulus from the advance of otherbranches of science, but travellers, or rather explorers of newcountries were very few in number. Pliny in the year A.D. 23,devoted the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth books of his NaturalHistory to geography, and in A.D. 50, Hippalus, a clever navigator,discovered the laws governing the monsoon in the Indian Ocean, andtaught sailors how they might deviate from their usual course, so asto make these winds subservient to their being able to go to andreturn from India in one year. Arian, a Greek historian, born A.D.105, wrote an account of the navigation of the Euxine or Black Sea,and pointed out as nearly as possible, the countries that had beendiscovered by explorers who had lived before his time; and Ptolemythe Egyptian, about A.D. 175, making use of the writings of hispredecessors, published a celebrated geography, in which, for thefirst time, places and cities were marked in their relative latitudeand longitude on a mathematical plan.

The first traveller of the Christian era, whose name has been handeddown to us, was Pausanias, a Greek writer, living in Rome in thesecond century, and whose account of his travels bears the date ofA.D. 175. Pausanias did for ancient Greece what Joanne, theindustrious and clever Frenchman did for the other countries ofEurope, in compiling the "Traveller's Guide." His account, a mostreliable one on all points, and most exact even in details, was oneupon which travellers of the second century might safely depend intheir journeys through the different parts of Greece.

Pausanias gives a minute description of Attica, and especially ofAthens and its monuments, tombs, temples, citadel, academy, columns,and of the Areopagus.

From Attica Pausanias went to Corinth, and then explored the Islandsof Ægina and Methana, Sparta, the Island of Cerigo, Messene, Achaia,Arcadia, Boeotia, and Phocis. The roads in the provinces and eventhe streets in the towns, are mentioned in his narrative, as well asthe general character of the country through which he passed;although we can scarcely say that he added any fresh discoveries tothose already made, he was one of those careful travellers whoseobject was more to obtain exact information, than to make newdiscoveries. His narrative has been of the greatest use to allgeographers and writers upon Greece and the Peloponnesus, and anauthor of the sixteenth century has truly said that this book is "amost ancient and rare specimen of erudition."

It was about a hundred and thirty years after the Greek historian,in the fourth century, that a Chinese monk undertook the explorationof the countries lying to the west of China. The account of histravels is still extant, and we may well agree with M. Charton whenhe says that "this is a most valuable work, carrying us beyond ourordinarily narrow view of western civilization."

Fa-Hian, the traveller, was accompanied by several monks; wishing toleave China by the west, they crossed more than one chain ofmountains, and reached the country now called Kan-tcheou, which isnot far from the great wall. They crossed the river Cha-ho, and adesert that Marco Polo was to explore eight hundred years later.After seventeen days' march they reached the Lake of Lobnor inTurkestan. From this point all the countries that the monks visitedwere alike as to manners and customs, the languages alone differing.Being dissatisfied with the reception that they met with in thecountry of the Ourgas, who are not a hospitable people, they took asouth-easterly course towards a desert country, where they had greatdifficulty in crossing the rivers; and, after a thirty-five days'march, the little caravan reached Tartary in the kingdom of Khotan,which contained, according to Fa-Hian, "Many times ten thousand holymen." Here they met with a cordial welcome, and after a residence ofthree months were allowed to assist at the "Procession of theImages," a great feast, in which both Brahmins and Buddhists join,when all the idols are placed upon magnificently decorated cars, andparaded through streets strewn with flowers, amid clouds of incense.

The feast over, the monks left Khotan for Koukonyar, and afterresting there fifteen days, we find them further south in theBalistan country of the present day, a cold and mountainous district,where wheat was the only grain cultivated, and where Fa-Hian foundin use the curious cylinders on which prayers are written, and whichare turned by the faithful with the most extraordinary rapidity.Thence they went to the eastern part of Afghanistan; it took themfour weeks to cross the mountains, in the midst of which, and thenever-melting snow they are said to have found venomous dragons.

On the further side of this rocky chain the travellers foundthemselves in Northern India, where the country is watered by thestreams which, further on, form the Sinde or Indus. After traversingthe kingdoms of On-tchang, Su-ho-to, and Kian-tho-wei, they arrivedat Fo-loo-cha, which must be the town of Peshawur, standing betweenCabul and the Indus, and twenty-four leagues farther west, they cameto the town of Hilo, built on the banks of a tributary of the riverKabout. In these towns Fa-Hian specially notices the feasts andreligious ceremonies practised in the worship of Fo or Buddha.

One of Fa-Hian's companions falls.

When the monks left Kito, they were obliged to cross theHindoo-Koosh mountains, lying between Turkestan and the Gandhara,the cold being so intense that one of their party sank under it.After enduring great hardships they reached Banoo, a town that isstill standing, and then, after again crossing the Indus, theyentered the Punjaub. Thence, descending towards the south-east, witha view of crossing the northern part of the Indian Peninsula, theyreached Mathura, a town in the province of Agra, and crossing thegreat salt desert which lies to the east of the Indus, travelledthrough a country that Fa-Hian calls "a happy kingdom, where theinhabitants are good and honest, needing neither laws normagistrates, and indebted to none for their support; without marketsor wine merchants, and living happily, with plenty of all that theyrequired, where the temperature was neither hot nor cold." Thishappy kingdom was India. Fa-Hian followed a south-easterly route,and came to Feroukh-abad, where Buddha is said to have alighted ashe came down from heaven, the Chinese traveller dwelling much uponthe Buddhist Creed. Thence he visited the town of Kanoji, standingon the right bank of the Ganges, that he calls Heng, and this is thevery centre of Buddhism. Wherever Buddha is supposed to have rested,his followers have erected high towers in his honour. The travellersvisited the temple of Tchihouan, where for twenty-five years Fopractised the most severe mortifications, and where he is said tohave given sight to five hundred blind men. They are said to havebeen much moved by the sight of this temple.

They set out again, passing Kapila and Goruckpoor, on the frontierof Nepaul, all made famous by Fo's miracles, and then reached thecelebrated town of Palian-foo, in the delta of the Ganges, in thekingdom of Magadha. This was a fertile tract of country inhabited bya civilized, upright people, who loved all philosophic researches.After climbing the peak of Vautour, which stands at the source ofthe Dyardanes and Banourah rivers, Fa-Hian descended the Ganges,visited the temple of Issi-paten that was frequented by magiciansand astrologers, reached Benares, "the kingdom of splendours," and alittle lower down, the town of Tomo-li-ti, situated at the mouth ofthe river, a short distance from the site of Calcutta in the presentday.

Fa-Hian found a party of merchants just preparing to put to sea withthe intention of going to Ceylon; he sailed with them, and infourteen days landed on the shores of the ancient Taprobana, ofwhich the Greek merchant, Jamboulos, had given a curious accountsome centuries previously. Here the Chinese monk found all thetraditions and legends regarding the god Fo, and passed two years insearching ancient manuscripts. He left Ceylon for Java, where helanded after a very rough voyage, in the course of which, when thesky was overclouded, he says, "we saw nothing but great wavesdashing one against another, lightning, crocodiles, tortoises, andmonsters of the deep."

He spent five months in Java, and then set sail for Canton; but thewinds were again unfavourable, and after undergoing great hardshipshe landed at the town of Chantoung of the present day; then havingspent some time at Nankin he returned to Fi-an-foo, his native town,after an absence of eighteen months. Such is the account ofFa-Hian's travels, which have been well translated by M. Abel deRémusat, and which give very interesting details of Indian andTartar customs, especially those relating to their religiousceremonies.

The next traveller to the Chinese monk, in chronological order, isan Egyptian called Cosmos Indicopleustes, a name that M. Chartonrenders as "Cosmographic traveller in India." He lived in the sixthcentury, and was a merchant of Alexandria, who, on his return fromvisiting Ethiopia and part of Asia, entered a monastery.

His narrative is called the "Christian Topography of the Universe."It gives no details of its author's voyages, but begins withcosmographic discussions, to prove that the world is square, andenclosed in a great oblong coffer with all the other planets. Thisis followed by some dissertations on the function of the angels, anda description of the dress of the Jewish Priests. Cosmos also givesthe natural history of the animals of India and Ceylon, and noticesthe rhinoceros and buffalo, which can be made of use for domesticpurposes, the giraffe, the wild ox, the musk that is hunted for its"perfumed blood," the unicorn, which he considers a real animal andnot a myth, the wild boar, the hippopotamus, the phoca, the dolphin,and the tortoise. Afterwards, Cosmos describes the pepper-plant, asa frail and delicate shrub, like the smallest tendrils of the vine,and the cocoa-tree, whose fruit has a fragrance "equal to that of anut."

From the earliest times of the Christian era there has been a greatlove for visiting the Holy Land, the cradle of the new religion.These pilgrimages became more and more frequent, and we have manynames left to us of those who visited Palestine during the firstcenturies of Christianity.

One of these pilgrims, the French Bishop Arculphe, who lived towardsthe end of the seventh century, has left us an account of histravels.

He sets out by giving a topographical description of the site ofJerusalem, and describes the wall that surrounds the holy city, thenthe circular church built over the Holy Sepulchre, the tomb of ourLord Jesus Christ, and the stone that closed it, the churchdedicated to the Virgin Mary, the church built upon Calvary, and thebasilica of Constantine on the site of the place where the realcross was found. These various churches are united in one building,which also encloses the Tomb of Christ, and Calvary, where our Lordwas crucified.

Arculphe then descended into the Valley of Jehoshaphat, which issituated to the east of the city, and contains the church thatcovers the tomb of the Virgin; he also saw that of Absalom, which hecalls the Tower of Jehoshaphat. He describes the Mount of Olivesthat faces the city beyond the valley, and he prayed in the cavewhere Jesus prayed. He also went to Mount Zion, which stands outsidethe town on the south side; he notices the gigantic fig-tree, onwhich, according to tradition, Judas Iscariot hanged himself, and hevisited the church of the guest-chamber, now destroyed.

Absalom's Tomb.

After making the tour of the city by the Valley of Siloam, andascending by the brook Cedron, the bishop returned to the Mount ofOlives, which was covered with waving wheat and barley, grass andwild flowers, and he describes the place where Christ ascended fromthe summit of the mountain. On this spot a large church has beenbuilt, with three arched porticoes that are not roofed over orcovered in any way, but are open to the sky. "They have not roofedin this church," says the bishop, "because it was the place whenceour Saviour ascended upon a cloud, and the space open to heavenallows the prayers of the faithful to ascend thither. For when theypaved this church they could not lay the pavement over the placewhere our Lord's feet had rested, as, when the stones were laid uponthat spot, the earth, as though impatient of anything not divineresting upon it, threw them up again before the workmen. Beyond this,the dust bears the impress of the divine feet, and though, day byday, the faithful who visit the spot efface the marks, theyimmediately reappear and may be seen perpetually."

After having explored the neighbourhood of Bethany in the midst ofthe grove of olives, where the grave of Lazarus is said to be, andwhere the church, standing on the right hand is supposed to mark thespot where our Lord usually conversed with His disciples, Arculphewent to Bethlehem, which is a short distance from the holy city. Hedescribes the birthplace of our Lord, a natural cave, hollowed outof the rock at the eastern end of the village, the church, built bySt. Helena, the tombs of the three shepherds, upon whom the heavenlylight shone at the birth of our Saviour, the burial-places of thepatriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and that of Rachel, and hevisited the oak of Mamre, under which Abraham received the visit ofthe angels. Thence, Arculphe went to Jericho, or rather the placewhere the town once stood, whose walls fell at the sound of Joshua'strumpets. He explored the place where the children of Israel firstrested in the land of Canaan after crossing the river Jordan, and hespeaks of the church of Galgala, where the twelve stones are placed,which the children of Israel took from the river when they enteredthe promised land. He followed the course of the Jordan, and foundnear one of the bends of the river on the right bank, and among themost beautiful scenery, about an hour's walk from the Dead Sea, theplace where our Lord was baptized by St. John the Baptist. A crossis placed to mark the spot, but when the river is swollen, it iscovered by the water.

After examining the banks of the Dead Sea and tasting its brackishwater, he viewed the source of the Jordan, at the foot of Libanus,and explored the greater part of the Lake of Tiberias, visiting thewell where the woman of Samaria gave our Lord the water He so muchneeded, seeing the fountain in the desert of which St. John theBaptist drank, and the great plain of Gaza, where our Lord blessedthe five loaves and two fishes, and fed the multitude. Next he wentdown to Capernaum, of which there are now no remains; then visitedNazareth, where our Lord spent His childhood, and ended his journeyat Mount Tabor in Galilee.

The bishop's narrative contains both geographical and historicalaccounts of other places, beyond those immediately connected withour Lord's life on earth. He visited the royal city of Damascus,which is watered by four large rivers. Also Tyre, the chief town ofPhoenicia, which, though once separated from the mainland, wasjoined to it again by the jetty or pier made by the orders ofNabuchodonosor. He speaks of Alexandria, once the capital of Egypt,which he reached forty days after leaving Jaffa, and lastly, ofConstantinople, where he often visited the large church in which"the wood of the cross is preserved, upon which the Saviour sufferedfor the salvation of the human race."

The account of this journey was written by the Abbé de St. Columbanat the dictation of the bishop, and not many years afterwards thesame journey was undertaken by an English pilgrim, and accomplishedin much the same way. The name of this pilgrim was Willibald, amember of a rich family living at Southampton, who, on his recoveryfrom a long illness, dedicated him to God's service. All his earlylife was spent in holy exercises in the monastery of Woltheim; whenhe was grown up he had the most intense wish to see St. Peter's atRome, and was so set upon this, that it induced his father, brother,and young sister to wish to go there also; they embarked atSouthampton in the spring of 721, and making their way up the Seine,they landed at Rouen. We have but few details of the journey to Rome,but Willibald mentions that after passing through Cortona and Lucca,at which latter place his father sank under the fatigue of thejourney and died, he reached Rome in safety with his brother andsister, and passed the winter there, but they were all in turnattacked with fever. When Willibald regained his health, hedetermined to continue his journey to the Holy Land. He sent hisbrother and sister back to England, while he joined some monks whowere going in the same direction as himself. They went by Terracinaand Gaeta to Naples, and set sail for Reggio in Calabria, andCatania and Syracuse in Sicily, whence they again embarked, and,after touching at Cos and Samos, landed at Ephesus in Asia Minor,where they visited the tombs of St. John the Evangelist, of MaryMagdalene, and of the seven sleepers of Ephesus, that is, sevenChristians martyred in the time of the Emperor Decius.

They made some stay at Patara and at Mitylene, and then went toCyprus and Paphos; we next find the party, seven in number, atEdessa, visiting the tomb of St. Thomas the Apostle. Here they werearrested as spies, and thrown into prison by the Saracens, but theking, on the petition of a Spaniard, set them at liberty. As soon asthey were set free they left the town in great haste, and from thattime their route is almost the same as that of the Bishop Arculphe;they visited Damascus, Nazareth, Cana, where they saw a wonderfulamphora on Mount Tabor, where our Lord was transfigured, and theLake of Tiberias, where St. Peter walked upon the water; Magdala,where Lazarus and his sister dwelt; Capernaum, where our Lord raisedto life the son of the nobleman; Bethsaida in Galilee, the nativeplace of St. Peter and St. Andrew; Chorazin, where our Lord curedthose possessed with devils; Cæsarea, and the spot where our Lordwas baptized, as well as Jericho and Jerusalem.

They also went to the Valley of Jehoshaphat, the Mount of Olives,and to Bethlehem, the scene of the murder of the Innocents by Herod,and Gaza. While they were at Gaza, Willibald tells us that hesuddenly became blind, while he was in the church of St. Matthias,and only recovered his sight two months afterwards, as he enteredthe church of the Holy Cross at Jerusalem. He went through thevalley of Diospolis or Lydda, ten miles from Jerusalem, and thenwent to Tyre and Sidon, and thence, by Libanus, Damascus, Cæsarea,and Emmaus, back to Jerusalem, where the travellers spent the winter.

This was not to be the limit of their exploration, for we hear ofthem at Ptolemais, Emesa, Jerusalem, Damascus, and Samaria, where St.John the Baptist is said to have been buried, and at Tyre, where itmust be confessed that Willibald defrauded the revenue of that timeby smuggling some balsam that was very celebrated, and on which aduty was levied. On quitting Tyre they went to Constantinople andlived there for two years before returning by Sicily, Calabria,Naples, and Capua. The English pilgrim reached the monastery ofMonte Cassino, just ten years after his first setting out on histravels; but his time of rest had not yet come, as he was appointedto a bishopric in Franconia by Pope Gregory III. He was forty-oneyears of age when he was made bishop, and he lived forty yearsafterwards. In 938 he was canonized by Leo VII.

We will conclude the list of celebrated travellers living betweenthe first and ninth centuries, by giving a short account of Soleyman,a merchant of Bassorah, who, starting from the Persian Gulf, arrivedeventually on the shores of China. This narrative is in two distinctparts, one written in 851, by Soleyman himself, who was thetraveller, and the other in 878 by a geographer named Abou-ZeydHassan with the view of completing the first. Renaud, theorientalist, is of opinion that this narrative "has thrown quite anew light on the commercial transactions that existed in the ninthcentury between Egypt, Arabia, and the countries bordering on thePersian Gulf on one side, and the vast provinces of India and Chinaon the other."

Soleyman, as we have said, started from the Persian Gulf afterhaving taken in a good supply of fresh water at Muscat, and visitedfirst, the second sea, or that of Oman. He noticed a fish ofenormous size, probably a spermaceti whale, which the seamenendeavoured to frighten away by ringing a bell, then a shark, inwhose stomach they found a smaller shark, enclosing in its turn onestill smaller, "both alive," says the traveller, which is manifestlyan exaggeration; then, after describing the remora, the dactyloptera,and the porpoise, he speaks of the sea near the Maldive Islands inwhich he counted an enormous number of islands, among them hementions Ceylon by its Arabian name, with its pearl fisheries;Sumatra, inhabited by cannibals, and rich in gold-mines; Nicobar,and the Andaman Islands, where cannibalism still exists even at thepresent day. "This sea," he says, "is subject to fearfulwater-spouts which wreck the ships, and throw on its shores animmense number of dead fish and sometimes even large stones. Whenthese tempests are at their height the sea seethes and boils."Soleyman imagined it to be infested by a sort of monster who preyedupon human beings; this is thought to have been a kind of dog-fish.

Soleyman noticed a shark in whose stomach they found a smaller shark.

Arrived at Nicobar, Soleyman traded with the inhabitants, barteringsome iron for cocoa-nuts, sugar-cane, bananas, &c.; he then crossedthe sea, and seems to have made for Singapore, and northwards by theGulf of Siam. Soleyman put into a harbour, near Cape Varella, torevictual his ships, and thence he went by the China Sea toJehan-fou the port of the present town of Tche-kiang. The remainderof the account of Soleyman's travels, written by Abou-Zeyd Hassan,contains a detailed account of the manners and customs of theIndians and Chinese; but it is not the traveller himself who isspeaking, and we shall find the same subjects spoken of in a moreinteresting manner by later authors.

We must add, in reviewing the discoveries made by travellers sixteencenturies before, and nine centuries after, the Christian era, thatfrom Norway to the extreme boundaries of China, taking a linethrough the Atlantic ocean, the Mediterranean Sea, the Red Sea, theIndian Ocean, and the Sea of China, the immense extent of coastbordering these seas had been in a great measure visited. Someexplorations had been attempted in the interior of these countries;for instance, in Egypt as far as Ethiopia, in Asia Minor to theCaucasus, in India and China; and if these old travellers may nothave quite understood mathematical precision, as to some of thepoints they visited, at all events the manners and customs of theinhabitants, the productions of the different countries, the mode oftrading with them, and their religious customs, were quitesufficiently understood. Ships could sail with more safety when thechange of winds was no longer a subject of mere speculation, thecaravans could take a more direct route in the interior of thecountries, and the great increase of trade which took place in themiddle ages is surely owing to the facilities afforded by thewritings of travellers.

CHAPTER III.

The Scandinavians in the North, Iceland and Greenland—Benjamin ofTudela visits Marseilles, Rome, Constantinople, the Archipelago,Palestine, Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Damascus, Baalbec, Nineveh, Baghdad,Babylon, Bassorah, Ispahan, Shiraz, Samarcand, Thibet, Malabar,Ceylon, the Red Sea, Egypt, Sicily, Italy, Germany, and France—Carpiniexplores Turkestan—Manners and customs of the Tartars—Rubruquisand the Sea of Azov, the Volga, Karakorum, Astrakhan, andDerbend.

In the course of the tenth, and at the beginning of the eleventhcentury, a considerable amount of ardour for exploration had arisenin Northern Europe. Some Norwegians and adventurous Gauls hadpenetrated to the Northern seas, and, if we may trust to someaccounts, they had gone as far as the White Sea and visited thecountry of the Samoyedes. Some documents say that Prince Madoc mayhave explored the American continent.

At all events we may be tolerably certain that Iceland wasdiscovered about A.D. 861 by some Scandinavian adventurers, and thatit was soon after colonized by Normans. About this same time aNorwegian had taken refuge on a newly discovered land, and surprisedby its verdure he gave it the name of Greenland.

The communication with this portion of the American continent wasdifficult and uncertain, and one geographer says "it took five yearsfor a vessel to go from Norway to Greenland, and to return fromGreenland to Norway." Sometimes in severe winters the Northern Oceanwas completely frozen over, and a certain Hollur-Geit, guided by agoat, was able to cross on foot from Norway to Greenland. We shouldkeep in mind that the period of which we are speaking is the timewhen legends and traditions were very plentiful, and gained readycredence.

Let us return to well-authenticated facts, and relate the journey ofa Spanish Jew, whose truthfulness is beyond question.

This Jew was the son of a rabbi of Tudela, a town in Navarre, and hewas called Benjamin of Tudela. It seems probable that the object ofhis voyage was to make a census of his brother Jews scattered overthe surface of the Globe, but whatever may have been his motive, hespent thirteen years, from 1160-1173, exploring nearly all the knownworld, and his narrative was considered the great authority on thissubject up to the sixteenth century.

Benjamin of Tudela left Barcelona, and travelling by Tarragona,Gironde, Narbonne, Béziers, Montpellier, Sunel, Pousquiers, St.Gilles, and Arles, reached Marseilles. Here he visited the twosynagogues in the town and the principal Jews, and then set sail forGenoa, arriving there in four days. The Genoese were masters of thesea at that time, and were at war with the people of Pisa, a bravepeople, who, like the Genoese, says the traveller, "owned neitherkings nor princes, but only the judges whom they appointed at theirown pleasure."

After visiting Lucca, Benjamin of Tudela went to Rome. Alexander III.was Pope at that time, and according to this traveller, he includedsome Jews among his ministers. Among the monuments of specialinterest in the eternal city, he mentions St. Peter's and St. JohnLateran, but his descriptions are not interesting. From Rome byCapua, and Pozzuoli, then partly inundated, he went to Naples, wherehe seems to have seen nothing but the five hundred Jews livingthere; then by Salerno, Amalfi, Benevento, Ascoli, Trani, St.Nicholas of Bari, and Brindisi, he arrived at Otranto, havingcrossed Italy and yet found nothing interesting to relate of thissplendid country.

The list of the places Benjamin of Tudela visited, is notinteresting, but we must not omit to mention one of them, for hisnarrative is most precise, and it is useful to follow his route bythe maps specially prepared for this purpose by Lelewel. FromOtranto to Zeitun, his halting-places were Corfu, the Gulf of Arta,Achelous, an ancient town in Ætolia, Anatolia in Greece, on the Gulfof Patras, Patras, Lepanto, Crissa, at the foot of Mount Parnassus,Corinth, Thebes, whose two thousand Jewish inhabitants were the bestmakers of silk and purple in Greece, Negropont and Zeitoun. Here,according to the Spanish traveller, is the boundary-line ofWallachia; he says the Wallachians are as nimble as goats, and comedown from the mountains to pillage the neighbouring Greek towns.

Benjamin of Tudela went on to Constantinople by way of Gardiki, asmall township on the Gulf of Volo, Armyros, a port much frequentedby the Venetians and Genoese, Bissina, a town of which no traces areleft, Salonica, the ancient Thessalonica, and Abydos. He gives ussome details of Constantinople; the Emperor Emmanuel Comnenus wasreigning at that time and lived in a palace that he had built uponthe sea-shore, containing columns of pure gold and silver, and "thegolden throne studded with precious stones, above which a goldencrown is suspended by a chain of the same precious metal, whichrests upon the monarch's head as he sits upon the throne." In thiscrown are many precious stones, and one of priceless worth: "sobrilliant are they," says this traveller, "that at night, there isno occasion for any further light than that thrown back by thesejewels." He adds that there is a large population in the city, andfor the number of merchants from all countries who assemble there,it can only be compared to Baghdad. The inhabitants are principallydressed in embroidered silk robes enriched with golden fringes, andto see them thus attired and mounted upon their horses, one wouldtake them for princes, but they are not brave warriors, and theykeep mercenaries from all nations to fight for them. One regret heexpresses, and that is, that there are no Jews left in the City, andthat they have all been transported to Galata, near the entrance ofthe port, where are nearly two thousand five hundred of the sects(Rabbinites and Caraites), and among them many rich merchants andsilk manufacturers, but the Turks have a bitter hatred for them, andtreat them with great severity. Only one of these rich Jews wasallowed to ride on horseback, he was the Emperor's physician,Solomon, the Egyptian. As to the remarkable buildings ofConstantinople, he mentions the Mosque of St. Sophia, in which thenumber of altars answers to the number of days in a year, and thecolumns and gold and silver candlesticks, are too numerous to becounted; also the Hippodrome, which at the present day is used as ahorse-market, but was then the scene of combats between "lions,bears, tigers, other wild beasts, and even birds."

The approach to Constantinople.

When Benjamin of Tudela left Constantinople, he visited Gallipoliand Kilia, a port on the Eastern coast, and went to the islands inthe Archipelago, Mitylene, Chios, whence there was much trade in thejuice of the pistachio-tree, Samos, Rhodes, and Cyprus. As he sailedtowards the land of Aram, he passed by Messis, by Antioch, where headmired the arrangements for supplying the city with water, and byLatakia on his way to Tripoli, which he found had been recentlyshaken by an earthquake, that had been felt for miles round. We nexthear of him at Beyrout, at Sidon, and Tyre, celebrated for its glassmanufactory, at Acre, at Jaffa near Mount Carmel, at Capernaum, atthe beautiful town of Cæsarea, at Samaria, which is built in themidst of a fertile tract, where are vineyards, gardens, orchards,and olive-yards, at Nablous, at Gibeon, and then at Jerusalem.

In the holy city, it was but natural that the Jew could see nothingthat would have interested a Christian visitor. For him, Jerusalemappeared only a small town, defended by three walls and peopled withJews, Syrians, Greeks, Georgians, and Franks of all languages andnations. He found four hundred horse-soldiers in the city ready forwar at any moment, a great temple in which is the tomb of "thatman," as the Talmud styles our Saviour, and a house in which theJews had the privilege of carrying on the work of dyeing; but theywere few in number, scarcely two hundred, and they lived under thetower of David at one corner of the city. Outside Jerusalem, thetraveller mentions the tomb of Absalom, the sepulchre of Osias, thepool of Siloam, near the brook Cedron, the valley of Jehoshaphat,and the Mount of Olives, from whose summit one can see the Dead Sea.Two leagues from it stands the pillar of Lot's wife, and thetraveller adds, "that though the flocks and herds which pass thispillar of salt are continually licking it, yet it never diminishesin size." From Jerusalem, Benjamin of Tudela went to Bethlehem, andinscribed his name on Rachel's tomb, as it was customary for allJews to do who passed by it; and from Bethlehem, after countingtwelve Jewish dyeing establishments, he went on to Hebron, which isnow deserted and in ruins.

After visiting, in the plain of Machpelah, the tombs of Abraham,Sarah, Isaac, Rebekah, Jacob, and Leah, and passing by Beth-Jairim,Scilo, Mount Moriah, Beth-Nubi, Ramah, Joppa, Jabneh, Azotus,Ascalon, built by Esdras, Lud, Tiberias, where are some hot springs,Gish and Merom, which is still a spot visited by Jewish pilgrims,Kedesh and Laish, near the cavern, where the Jordan takes its rise,the traveller left the land of Israel, and entered Damascus.

The following is his description of this city, where the Turkishrule begins. "It is a very large and beautiful city, walled round,and outside the walls for fifteen miles are gardens and orchards,and of all the surrounding country, this is the most fertile spot.The town stands at the foot of Mount Hermon, whence rise the tworivers, Abana and Pharpar; the first passes through the city, andits waters are taken into the larger houses by means of aqueducts,as well as through the streets and markets. This town trades withall the world. The river Pharpar fertilizes the orchards and gardensoutside the town. There is an Ishmaelitish mosque, calledGoman-Dammesec, meaning the synagogue of Damascus, and this buildinghas not its equal; it is said to have been Benhadad's palace, and itcontains a glass wall, built apparently by magic. This wall has 365holes in it, answering to the days of the year; as the sun rises andsets it shines through one or other of these holes, so that the hourof the day may thus always be known. Inside the palace or mosque aregold and silver houses, large enough to hold two or three persons ata time, if they wish to wash or bathe in them."

After going to Galad and Salkah, which are two days' journey fromDamascus, Benjamin reached Baalbec, the Heliopolis of the Greeks andRomans, built by Solomon, in the valley of the Libanus, then toTadmor, which is Palmyra, also built entirely of great stones. Thenpassing by Cariatin, he stopped at Hamah, which was partiallydestroyed by an earthquake in 1157, which overthrew many of theSyrian towns.

Now comes in the narrative a list of names, which are of no greatinterest: we may mention among them, Nineveh, whence the travellerreturned towards the Euphrates; and finally that he reached Baghdad,the residence of the Caliph.

Baghdad was of great interest to the Jewish traveller; he says it isa large town three miles in circumference, containing a hospitalboth for Jews and sick people of any nation. It is the centre forlearned men, philosophers, and magicians from all parts of the world.It is the residence of the Caliph, who at this time was probablyMostaidjed, whose dominion included western Persia and the banks ofthe Tigris. He had a vast palace, standing in a park watered by atributary of the Tigris and filled with wild beasts, he may be takenas a model sovereign on some points; he was a good and very truthfulman, kind and considerate to all with whom he came in contact. Helived on the produce of his own toil, and made blankets, which,marked with his own seal, were sold in the market by the princes ofhis court, to defray the expense of his living. He only left hispalace once a year, at the feast of Ramadan, when he went to themosque near the Bassorah gate, and there acting as Iman, heexplained the law to his people. He returned to his palace by adifferent route which was carefully guarded all the rest of the year,so that no other passer by might profane the marks of his footsteps.All the brothers of the Caliph inhabit the same palace as he does;they are all treated with much respect, and have the government ofprovinces and towns in their hands, the revenues from them enablingthem to pass a pleasant life; only, as they once rebelled againsttheir sovereign, they are now all fettered with chains of iron, andhave guards mounted before their houses.

Benjamin of Tudela visited that part of Turkey in Asia which iswatered by the Euphrates and Tigris, and saw the ruined city ofBabylon, passing by what is said to be the furnace into whichShadrach, Meshach, and Abednego were thrown, and the tower of Babel,which he describes as follows. "The tower built by the tribes thatwere dispersed is of bricks; its largest ground work must be twomiles in circumference; its length is two hundred and forty cubits.At every ten cubits there is a passage leading to a spiral staircase,which goes to the upper part of the building; from the tower thereis a view of the surrounding country for twenty miles; but the wrathof God fell upon it and it is now only a heap of ruins."

The Tower of Babel.

From Babel the traveller went to the Synagogue of Ezekiel, situatedon the Euphrates, a real sanctuary where believers congregate toread the book written by the prophet. Then traversing Alkotzonath,&c., to Sura, once the site of a celebrated Jewish college, andShafjathib, whose synagogue is built with stones from Jerusalem, andcrossing the desert of Yemen he passed Themar, Tilimar, and Chaibarwhich contained a great number of Jewish inhabitants, to Waseth; andthence to Bassorah on the Tigris, nearly at the end of the PersianGulf.

He gives no account of this important town; and thence he seems tohave gone to Karna, to visit the tomb of the prophet Esdras; then heentered Persia and sojourned at Chuzestan, a large town, partly inruins, which the river Tigris divides into two parts, one rich theother poor, joined by a bridge, over which hangs the coffin ofDaniel the prophet. He went to Amaria, which is the boundary ofMedia, where he says the impostor David-el-roi appeared, the workerof false miracles, who is none other than our Lord Jesus Christ, butcalled among the Jews of that part by the former name. Then he wentto Hamadan, where the tombs of Mordecai and Esther are found, and byDabrestan he reached Ispahan, the capital of the kingdom, a citymeasuring twelve miles in circumference. At this point the narrativeof the traveller becomes somewhat obscure; according to his notes wefind him at Shiraz, then at Samarcand, then at the foot of themountains in Thibet. This seems to have been his farthest pointtowards the north-east; he must have come back to Nizapur andChuzestan on the banks of the Tigris; thence after a sea voyage oftwo days to El-Cachif, an Arabian town on the Persian Gulf, wherethe pearl fishery is carried on. Then, after another voyage of sevendays and crossing the Sea of Oman, he seems to have reached Quilonon the coast of Malabar.

He was at last in India, the kingdom of the worshippers of the Sunand of the descendants of Cush. This country produces pepper, ginger,and cinnamon. Twenty days after leaving Quilon he was among thefire-worshippers in Ceylon, and thence, perhaps, he went to China.He thought this voyage a very perilous one, and says that manyvessels are lost on it, giving the following singular expedient foraverting the danger. "You should take on board with you severalskins of oxen, and, if the wind rises and threatens the vessel withdanger, all who wish to escape envelope themselves each in a skin,sew up this skin so as to make it as far as possible water-tight,then throw themselves into the sea, and flocks of the great eaglescalled griffins, thinking that they are really oxen, will descendand bear them on their wings to some mountain or valley, there todevour their prey. Immediately on reaching land the man will killthe eagle with his knife, and leaving the skin, will walk towardsthe nearest habitation; many people," he adds, "have been saved bythis means."

We find Benjamin of Tudela again at Ceylon, then at the Island ofSocotra in the Persian Gulf, and after crossing the Red Sea hearrives in Abyssinia, which he styles "the India that is on terrafirma." Thence he goes down the Nile, crosses the country of Assouan,reaches the town of Holvan, and by the Sahara, where the sandswallows up whole caravans, he goes to Zairlah, Kous, Faiouna andMisraim or Cairo.

This last is a large town containing fine squares and shops. Itnever rains there, but this want is supplied by the overflow of theNile once a year, which waters the country and renders it veryfertile.

Benjamin of Tudela in the Desert of Sahara.

He passed Gizeh on leaving Misraim but does not mention the pyramids,and just names Ain-Schams, Boutig, Zefita, and Damira; he stopped atAlexandria, built by Alexander the Great, a city of great commerce,frequented by merchants from all parts of the world. Its squares andstreets are thronged with people, and so long that one cannot seefrom one end to another. A dike or causeway runs out a mile into thesea, on which a high tower was built by the conqueror, and on thetop of it a glass mirror was placed, by which all vessels could beseen while still fifty days' sail away, coming from Greece or theeast on their way to make war upon or otherwise harm the town. "Thistower," if we may credit the writer, "is still of use as a signal tovessels coming to Alexandria, for it can be seen night or day, agreat flaming torch being kept lighted at night, visible 100 milesoff!" What are our light-houses when even with the electric lightthey are only visible thirty miles away? From Damietta, thetraveller visited several neighbouring towns, then returning therehe embarked on board a vessel and twenty days afterwards landed atMessina. He wished to continue the census that he was making, so byway of Rome and Lucca he went to St. Bernard. He mentions visitingseveral towns both in Germany and France, where Jews had settled,and according to Chateaubriand's account, Benjamin of Tudela'scomputation brought the number of Jews to about 768,165.

In conclusion the traveller speaks of Paris, which he seems to havevisited; he says, "This great town numbers among its inhabitantssome remarkably learned men, who are unequalled for learning by anyin the world; they spend all their time studying law, and at thesame time are very hospitable to all strangers, but especially toall their Jewish brethren." Such is the account of Benjamin ofTudela's travels; they form an important part of the geographicalscience of the middle of the twelfth century. As we have used themodern names, it is easy to follow the short account of his routethat we have given, on any atlas of the present day.

Next in order of succession we come to the name of Jean du Plan deCarpin, or as some authors render it simply, Carpini. He was aFranciscan or Grey Friar, born in 1182, at Perugia in Italy. It iswell known what inroads the Mongolians had made under Gengis-Khan,and in 1206 this chieftain had made Karakorum, an ancient Turkishtown, his capital. This town was a little north of China. Hissuccessor Ojadaï, extended the Mongolian dominion into the centre ofChina, and, after raising an army of 600,000 men, he even invadedEurope. Russia, Georgia, Poland, Moravia, Silesia, and Hungary, allbecame the scenes of sanguinary conflicts which almost always endedin favour of the invaders. The Mongols were looked upon as demonspossessed with superhuman power, and Western Europe was terrified attheir approach.

Pope Innocent IV. sent an ambassador to the Tartars, but he wastreated with arrogance; at the same time he sent other ambassadorsto the Tartars living in North-Eastern Tartary, in the hope ofstopping the Mongolian invasion, and as chief in this mission, theFranciscan Carpini was chosen, being known to be a clever andintelligent diplomatist. Carpini was accompanied by Stephen, aBohemian; they set out on the 6th of April, 1245, and went first toBohemia, where the king gave them letters to some relations livingin Poland, who he hoped might facilitate their entrance into Russia.Carpini had no difficulty in reaching the territory of the Archdukeof Russia, and by his advice they bought beaver and other furs aspresents for the Tartar chiefs. Thus provided, they took anorth-easterly route to Kiev, then the chief town of Russia and nowthe seat of Government of that part, but they travelled in fear ofthe Lithuanians, who scoured the country at that time.

The Governor of Kiev advised the Pope's envoys to exchange their ownfor Tartar horses, who were accustomed to seek for their food underthe snow, and thus mounted they had no difficulty in getting as faras Danilisha. There they both were attacked by severe illness; whennearly recovered they bought a carriage, and in spite of the intensecold set out again. Arrived at Kaniev, on the Dnieper, they foundthemselves in the frontier town of the Mongol empire, and hence theywere conducted to the Tartar camp by one of the chiefs, whom theyhad made their friend by gifts. In the camp they were badly receivedat first, but being directed to the Duke of Corrensa, who commandedan army of 60,000 men forming the advanced guard: this general sentthem with an escort of three Tartars to Prince Bathy, the next incommand to the Emperor himself. Relays of horses were prepared forthem on the road, they travelled night and day, and thus passedthrough the Comans' country lying between the Dnieper, the Tanais,the Volga, and the Yaik, frequently having to cross the frozenrivers, and finally reaching the court of Prince Bathy on thefrontiers of the Comans' country. "As we were being conducted to theprince," says Carpini, "we were told that we should have to passbetween two fires, in order to purify us from any infection we mightcarry, and also to do away with any evil designs we might havetowards the prince, which we agreed to do that we might be freedfrom all suspicion."

The prince was seated on his throne in the midst of his courtiersand officers in a magnificent tent made of fine linen. He had thereputation of being a just and kind ruler of his people, but verycruel in war. Carpini and Stephen were placed on the left of thethrone, and the papal letters, translated into a language composedof Tartar and Arabic, were presented to the prince. He read themattentively and then dismissed the envoys to their tents, wheretheir only refreshment was a little porringer full of millet.

This interview took place on Good Friday, and the next day Bathysent for the envoys, and told them they must go to the Emperor. Theyset out on Easter-day with two guides; but having lived upon nothingbut millet, water, and salt, the travellers were but little fit fora journey; nevertheless their guides obliged them to travel veryquickly, changing horses five or six times in a day. They passedthrough almost a desert country, the Tartars having driven awaynearly all the inhabitants. They came next to the country of theKangites to the east of Comania, where there was a great deficiencyof water; in this province the people were mostly herdsmen, underthe hard yoke of the Mongolians.

Carpini was travelling from Easter till Ascension-Day through theland of the Kangites, and thence he came into the Biserium country,or what we call Turkestan in the present day; on all sides the eyerested on towns and villages in ruins. After crossing a chain ofmountains the envoys entered Kara-Kâty on the 1st of July; here thegovernor received them very hospitably, and made his sons and theprincipal officers of his court dance before them for theiramusem*nt.

On leaving Kara-Kâty the envoys rode for some days along the banksof a lake lying to the north of the town of Zeman, which must be,according to M. de Rémusat, the Lake Balkash. There lived Ordu, theeldest of the Tartar captains, and here Carpini and Stephen took aday's rest before encountering the cold and mountainous country ofthe Maimans, a nomadic people living in tents. After some days thetravellers reached the country of the Mongols, and on the 22nd ofJuly arrived at the place where the Emperor was, or rather he whowas to be Emperor, the election having not yet taken place.

This future Emperor was named Cunius; he received the envoys in amost friendly manner, a letter from Prince Bathy having explained tohim the object of their visit; not being yet Emperor he could notentertain them nor take any part in public affairs, but from thetime of Ojadaï's death, his widow, the mother of Prince Cunius hadbeen Regent; she received the travellers in a purple and white tentcapable of holding 2000 persons. Carpini gives the following accountof the interview: "When we arrived we saw a large assembly of dukesand princes who had come from all parts with their attendants, whowere on horseback in the neighbouring fields and on the hills. Thefirst day they were all dressed in white and purple, on the secondwhen Cunius appeared in the tent, in red, on the third day they woreviolet, and on the fourth, scarlet, or crimson. Outside the tent, inthe surrounding palisade were two great gates, by one of which theEmperor alone might enter; it was unguarded, but none dared to enteror leave by it; while the other, which was the general entrance, wasguarded by soldiers with swords, and bows and arrows; if any oneapproached within the prescribed limits he was beaten, or else shotto death with arrows. We noticed several horsem*n there, on whoseharness cannot have been less than twenty marks' worth of silver."

The Tartars.

A whole month passed away before Cunius was proclaimed Emperor, andthe envoys were obliged to wait patiently for this before they couldbe received by him. Carpini turned this leisure time to account bystudying the habits of the people; he has given much interestinginformation on the subject in his account of his travels.

The country seemed to him to be principally very hilly and the soilsandy, with but little vegetation. There is scarce any wood; but allclasses are content with dung for fuel. Though the country is sobare, sheep seem to do well. The climate is very changeable; insummer, storms are very frequent, many fall victims to the vividlightning, and the wind is often so strong as even to blow over menon horseback: during the winter there is no rain, which all falls inthe summer, and then scarcely enough to lay the dust, while thestorms of hail are terrible; during Carpini's residence in thecountry they were so severe that once 140 persons were drowned bythe melting of the enormous mass of hail-stones that had fallen. Itis a very extensive country, but miserable beyond expression.

Carpini who seems to have been a man of great discernment took avery just idea of the Tartars themselves. He says, "Their eyes areset very far apart; they have very high cheek-bones, their noses aresmall and flat; their eyes small, and their eye-lashes and eyebrowsseem to meet; they are of middle height with slender waists, theyhave small beards, some wear moustaches, and what are now calledimperials. On the top of the head the hair is shaved off like monks,and to the width of three fingers between their ears they also shaveoff the hair, letting what is between the tonsure and the back ofthe head grow to some length; in fact it is as long as a woman's inmany cases, and plaited and tied in two tails behind the ear. Theyhave small feet. He says there is but little difference perceptiblein the dress of the men and women, all alike wearing long robestrimmed with fur, and high buckram caps enlarged towards the upperpart. Their houses are built like tents of rods and stakes, so thatthey can be easily taken down and packed on the beasts of burden.Other larger dwellings are sometimes carried whole as they stand, oncarts, and thus follow their owner about the country.

"The Tartars believe in God as the Creator of the universe and asthe Rewarder and Avenger of all, but they also worship the sun, moon,fire, earth, and water, and idols made in felt, like human beings.They have little toleration, and put Michael of Turnigoo and Féodorto death for not worshipping the sun at midday at the command ofPrince Bathy. They are a superstitious people, believing inenchantment and sorcery, and looking upon fire as the purifier ofall things. When one of their chiefs dies he is buried with a horsesaddled and bridled, a table, a dish of meat, a cup of mare's milk,and a mare and foal.

"The Tartars are most obedient to their chiefs, and are truthful andnot quarrelsome; murders and deeds of violence are rare, there isvery little robbery, and articles of value are never guarded. Theybear great fatigue and hunger without complaint, as well as heat andcold, singing and dancing under the most adverse circ*mstances. Theyare much prone to drink to excess; they are very proud anddisdainful to strangers, and have no respect for the lives of humanbeings."

Carpini completes his sketch of the Tartar character by adding thatthey eat all kinds of animals, dogs, wolves, foxes, horses, and evensometimes their fellow-creatures. Their principal beverage is themilk of the mare, sheep, goat, cow, and camel. They have neitherwine, cervisia, (a beverage composed of grain and herbs,) nor mead,but only intoxicating liquors. They are very dirty in their habits,scarcely ever washing their porringers, or only doing so in theirbroth; they hardly ever wash their clothes, more especially "whenthere is thunder about;" and they eat rats, mice, &c., if they arebadly off for other food. The men are not brought up to any manuallabour, their whole occupation consisting in hunting, shooting withbow and arrows, watching the flocks, and riding. The women and girlsare very athletic and very brave, they prepare furs and make clothes,drive carts and camels, and as polygamy is practised among them, anda man buys as many wives as he can keep, there are enough womenfor all these employments.

Such is the résumé of Carpini's observations made during hisresidence at Syra-Orda while he was awaiting the Emperor's election.Soon he found that the election was about to take place; he noticedthat the courtiers always sang before Cunius when he came out of histent, and bowed down before him with beautiful little wands in theirhands, having small pieces of scarlet wool attached to them. On aplain about four leagues from Syra-Orda, beside a stream, a tent wasprepared for the Coronation, carpeted with scarlet, and supported oncolumns covered with gold. On St. Bartholomew's day a largeconcourse of people assembled, each one fell on his knees as hearrived, and remained praying towards the sun; but Carpini and hiscompanion refused to join in this idolatrous worship of the sun.Then Cunius was placed on the imperial throne, and the dukes and allthe assembled multitudes having done homage to him, he wasconsecrated.

As soon as this ceremony was over, Carpini and Stephen werecommanded to appear before the Emperor. They were first searched andthen entered the imperial presence at the same time as otherAmbassadors, the bearers of rich presents; the poor papal envoys hadnothing to present; whether this had anything to do with the lengthof time they had to wait before his Imperial Majesty could attend totheir affairs we do not know; but days passed slowly by, and theywere nearly dying of hunger and thirst, before they received asummons to appear before the Secretary of the Emperor, and lettersto the Pope were given to them, ending with these words, "we worshipGOD, and by His help we shall destroy the whole earth from east towest."

The envoys had now nothing to wait for, and during the whole of thewinter they travelled across icy deserts. About May they againarrived at the court of Prince Bathy, who gave them free passes, andthey reached Kiev about the middle of June, 1247. On the 9th ofOctober of the same year the Pope made Carpini Bishop of Antivari inDalmatia, and this celebrated traveller died at Rome about the year1251.

Carpini's mission was not of much use, and the Tartars remained muchas they were before, a savage and ferocious tribe; but six yearsafter his return another monk of the minor order of Franciscans,named William Rubruquis, of Belgian origin, was sent to thebarbarians who lived in the country between the Volga and the Don.The object of this journey was as follows,—

St. Louis was waging war against the Saracens of Syria at this time,and while he was engaging the Infidels, Erkalty, a Mongol prince,attacked them on the side nearest to Persia, and thus caused adiversion that was in favour of the King of France. The report arosethat Prince Erkalty had become a Christian, and St. Louis, anxiousto prove the truth of it, charged Rubruquis to go into the prince'sown country and there make what observations he could upon thesubject.

In the month of June 1253, Rubruquis and his companions embarked forConstantinople. From thence they reached the mouth of the river Donon the Sea of Azov where they found a great number of Goths. Ontheir arrival among the Tartars, their reception was at first veryinhospitable, but after presenting the letters with which they werefurnished, Zagathal, the governor of that province, gave themwaggons, horses, and oxen for their journey.

Thus equipped they set out and were much surprised next day bymeeting a moving village; that is to say, all the huts were placedon waggons and were being moved away. During the ten days thatRubruquis and his companions were passing through this part of thecountry they were very badly treated, and had it not been for theirown store of biscuits, they must have died of starvation. Afterpassing by the end of the Sea of Azov they went in an easterlydirection and crossed a sandy desert on which neither tree nor stonewas visible. This was the country of the Comans that Carpini hadtraversed, but in a more northerly part. Rubruquis left themountains inhabited by the Circassians to the south, and after awearisome journey of two months arrived at the camp of PrinceSartach on the banks of the Volga.

This was the court of the prince, the son of Baatu-Khan; he had sixwives, each of whom possessed a palace of her own, some houses, anda great number of chariots, some of them very large, being drawn bya team of twenty-two oxen harnessed in pairs.

Sartach received the envoys of the King of France very graciously,and seeing their poverty, he supplied them with all that theyrequired. They were to be presented to the prince in theirsacerdotal dress, when, bearing on a cushion a splendid Bible, thegift of the King of France, a Psalter given by the Queen, a Missal,a crucifix and a censer, they entered the royal presence, takinggood care not to touch the threshold of the door, which would havebeen considered profanation. Once in the royal presence, they sangthe "Salve Regina." After the prince and those of the princesses whowere present at the ceremony had examined the books, &c., that themonks had brought with them, the envoys were allowed to retire; itbeing impossible for Rubruquis to form any opinion as to Sartach'sbeing a Christian, or not; but his work was not yet finished, theprince having pressed the envoys to go to his father's court.Rubruquis complied with the request, and crossing the country lyingbetween the Volga and the Don, they arrived at their destination.There the same ceremonies had to be gone through as at the court ofPrince Sartach. The monks had to prepare their books, &c., and bepresented to the Khan, who was seated on a large gilded throne, butnot wishing to treat with the envoys himself, he sent them toKarakorum, to the court of Mangu-khan.

They crossed the country of the Bashkirs and visited Kenchat, Talach,passed the Axiartes and reached Equius, a town of which the positioncannot be accurately ascertained in the present day; then by theland of Organum, by the Lake of Balkash, and the territory of theUigurs, they arrived at Karakorum, the capital of the Mongolianempire, where Carpini had stopped without entering the town.

This town, says Rubruquis, was surrounded with walls of earth, andhad four gates in the walls. The principal buildings it containedwere two mosques and a Christian church. While in this city, themonk made many interesting observations on the surrounding people,especially upon the Tangurs, whose oxen, of a remarkable race, areno other than the Yaks, so celebrated in Thibet. In speaking of theThibetans he notices their most extraordinary custom of eating thebodies of their fathers and mothers, in order to secure their havingan honourable sepulture.

When Rubruquis and his companions reached Karakorum, they found thatthe great khan was not in his capital, but in one of his palaceswhich was situated on the further side of the mountains which risein the northern part of the country. They followed him there, andthe next day after their arrival presented themselves before himwith bare feet, according to the Franciscan custom, so securing forthemselves frozen toes. Rubruquis thus describes the interview:"Mangu-Khan is a man of middle height with a flat nose; he was lyingon a couch clad in a robe of bright fur, which was speckled like theskin of a sea-calf." He was surrounded with falcons and other birds.Several kinds of beverages, arrack punch, fermented mare's milk, andball, a kind of mead, were offered to the envoys; but they refusedthem all. The khan, less prudent than they, soon became intoxicatedon these drinks, and the audience had to be ended without any resultbeing arrived at. Rubruquis remained several days at Mangu-Khan'scourt; he found there a great number of German and French prisoners,mostly employed in making different kinds of arms, or in working themines of Bocol. The prisoners were well treated by the Tartars, anddid not complain of their lot. After several interviews with thegreat khan, Rubruquis gained permission to leave, and he returned toKarakorum.

Near this town stood a magnificent palace, belonging to the khan; itwas like a large church with nave and double aisles, here thesovereign sits at the northern end on a raised platform, thegentlemen being seated on his right, and the ladies on his left hand.It is at this palace that twice every year splendid fêtes are given,when all the nobles of the country are assembled round theirsovereign.

While at Karakorum, Rubruquis collected many interesting documentsrelating to the Chinese, their customs, literature, &c.; thenleaving the capital of the Mongols, he returned by the same route ashe had come, as far as Astrakhan; but there he branched to the southand went to Syria with a Turkish escort, which was renderednecessary by the presence of tribes bent on pillage. He visitedDerbend, and went thence by Nakshivan, Erzeroum, Sivas, Cæsarea, andIconium, to the port of Kertch, whence he embarked for his owncountry. His route was much the same as that of Carpini, but hisnarrative is less interesting, and the Belgian does not seem to havebeen gifted with the spirit of observation which characterized theItalian monk.

With Carpini and Rubruquis closes the list of celebrated travellersof the thirteenth century, but we have the brilliant career of MarcoPolo now before us, whose travels extended over part of thethirteenth and fourteenth centuries.

CHAPTER IV.

The interest of the Genoese and Venetian merchants in encouragingthe exploration of Central Asia—The family of Polo, and itsposition in Venice—Nicholas and Matteo Polo, the two brothers—Theygo from Constantinople to the Court of the Emperor of China—Theirreception at the Court of Kublaï-Khan—The Emperor appoints them hisambassadors to the Pope—Their return to Venice—Marco Polo—Heleaves his father Nicholas and his uncle Matteo for the residence ofthe King of Tartary—The new Pope Gregory X.—The narrative of MarcoPolo is written in French from his dictation, by Rusticien of Pisa.

The Genoese and Venetian merchants could not fail to be muchinterested in the explorations of the brave travellers in CentralAsia, India, and China, for they saw that these countries would givethem new openings for disposing of their merchandise, and also thegreat benefit to be derived by the West from being supplied with theproductions of the East. The interests of commerce stimulated freshexplorations, and it was this motive that actuated two nobleVenetians to leave their homes, and brave all the fatigue and dangerof a perilous journey.

These two Venetians belonged to the family of Polo, which had comeoriginally from Dalmatia, and, owing to successful trading, hadbecome so opulent as to be reckoned among the patrician families ofVenice. In 1260 the two brothers, Nicholas and Matteo, who had livedfor some years in Constantinople, where they had established abranch house, went to the Crimea, with a considerable stock ofprecious stones, where their eldest brother, Andrea Polo, had hisplace of business. Thence, taking a north-easterly direction andcrossing the country of the Comans, they reached the camp ofBarkaï-Khan on the Volga. This Mongol prince received the twomerchants very kindly, and bought all the jewels they offered him atdouble their value.

Nicolo and Matteo remained a year in the Mongolian camp, but a warbreaking out at this time between Barkaï, and Houlagou, theconqueror of Persia, the two brothers, not wishing to be in themidst of a country where war was being waged, went to Bokhara, andthere they remained three years. But when Barkaï was vanquished andhis capital taken, the partisans of Houlagou induced the twoVenetians to follow them to the residence of the grand Khan ofTartary, who was sure to give them a hearty welcome. ThisKublaï-Khan, the fourth son of Gengis-Khan, was Emperor of China,and was then at his summer-palace in Mongolia, on the frontier ofthe Chinese empire.

The Venetian merchants set out, and were a whole year crossing theimmense extent of country lying between Bokhara and the northernlimits of China. Kublaï-Khan was much pleased to receive thesestrangers from the distant West. He fêted them, and asked, with mucheagerness, for any information that they could give him of what washappening in Europe, requiring details of the government of thevarious kings and emperors, and their methods of making war; and hethen conversed at some length about the Pope and the state of theLatin Church. Matteo and Nicolo fortunately spoke the Tartarlanguage fluently, so they could freely answer all the emperor'squestions.

Kublaï-Khan's feast on the arrival of the Venetian Merchants.

It had occurred to Kublaï-Khan to send messengers to the Pope; andhe seized the opportunity to beg the two brothers to act as hisambassadors to his Holiness. The merchants thankfully accepted hisproposal, for they foresaw that this new character would be veryadvantageous to them. The emperor had some charters drawn up in theTurkish language, asking the Pope to send a hundred learned men toconvert his people to Christianity; then he appointed one of hisbarons named Cogatal to accompany them, and he charged them to bringhim some oil from the sacred lamp, which is perpetually burningbefore the tomb of Christ at Jerusalem.

The two brothers took leave of the khan, having been furnished withpassports by him, which put both men and horses at their disposalthroughout the empire, and in 1266 they set out on their journey.Soon the baron Cogatal fell ill, and the Venetians were obliged toleave him and continue their journey; but in spite of all the aidthat had been given to them, they were three years in reaching theport of Laïas, in Armenia, now known by the name of Issus. Leavingthis port, they arrived at Acre in 1269, where they heard of thedeath of Pope Clement IV., to whom they were sent, but the legateTheobald lived in Acre and received the Venetians; learning what wasthe object of their mission he begged them to wait for the electionof the new Pope.

The brothers had been absent from their country for fifteen years,so they resolved to return to Venice, and at Negropont they embarkedon board a vessel that was going direct to their native town.

On landing there, Nicolo was met by news of the death of his wife,and of the birth of his son, who had been born shortly after hisdeparture in 1254; this son was the celebrated Marco Polo. The twobrothers waited at Venice for the election of the Pope, but at theend of two years, as it had not taken place, they thought they couldno longer defer their return to the Emperor of the Mongols;accordingly they started for Acre, taking Marco Polo with them, whocould not then have been more than seventeen. At Acre they had aninterview with the legate Theobald, who authorized them to go toJerusalem and there to procure some of the sacred oil. This missionaccomplished, the Venetians returned to Acre and asked the legate togive them letters to Kublaï-Khan, mentioning the death of PopeClement IV.; he complied with their request, and they returned toLaïas or Issus. There, to their great joy, they learnt that thelegate Theobald had just been made Pope with the title of Gregory X.,on the 1st of September, 1271. The newly-elected Pope sent at oncefor the Venetian envoys, and the King of Armenia placed a galley attheir disposal to expedite their return to Acre. The Pope receivedthem with much affection, and gave them letters to the Emperor ofChina; he added two preaching friars, Nicholas of Vicenza andWilliam of Tripoli, to their party, and gave them his blessing ontheir departure. They went back to Laïas, but had scarcely arrivedbefore they were made prisoners by the soldiers of the MamelukeSultan Bibars, who was then ravaging Armenia. The two preachingfriars were so discouraged at this outset of the expedition thatthey gave up all idea of going to China, and left the two Venetiansand Marco Polo to prosecute the journey together as best they could.

Marco Polo.

Here begins what may properly be called Marco Polo's travels. It isa question if he really visited all the places that he describes,and it seems probable that he did not; in fact, in the narrativewritten at his dictation by Rusticien of Pisa it is stated"Marco-Polo, a wise and noble citizen of Venice, saw nearly allherein described with his own eyes, and what he did not see helearnt from the lips of truthful and credible witnesses;" but wemust add that the greater part of the kingdoms and towns spoken ofby Marco Polo he certainly did visit. We will follow the route hedescribes, simply pointing out what the traveller learnt by hearsay,during the important missions with which he was charged byKublaï-Khan. During this second journey the travellers did notfollow exactly the same road as on the first occasion of their visitto the Emperor of China. They had lengthened their route by passingto the north of the celestial mountains, but now they turned to thesouth of them, and though this route was shorter than the other,they were three years and a half in accomplishing their journey,being much impeded by the rains and the difficulty of crossing thegreat rivers. Their course may be easily followed with the help of amap of Asia, as we have substituted the modern names in place of theancient ones used by Marco Polo in his narrative.

Armenia Minor—Armenia—Mount Ararat—Georgia—Mosul, Baghdad,Bussorah, Tauris—Persia—The Province of Kirman—Comadi—Ormuz—TheOld Man of the Mountain—Cheburgan—Balkh—Cashmir—Kashgar—Samarcand—Kotan—TheDesert—Tangun—Kara-Korum—Signan-fu—TheGreat Wall—Chang-tou—The residence of Kublaï-Khan—Cambaluc, nowPekin—The Emperor's fêtes—His hunting—Description of Pekin—ChineseMint and bank-notes—The system of posts in the Empire.

Marco Polo left the town of Issus; he describes Armenia Minor as avery unhealthy place, the inhabitants of which, though once valiant,are now cowardly and wretched, their only talent seeming to lie intheir capacity for drinking to excess. From Armenia Minor he went toTurcomania, whose inhabitants, though somewhat of savages, areclever in cultivating pastures and breeding horses and mules; andthe townspeople excel in the manufacture of carpets and silk.Armenia Proper, that Marco Polo next visited, affords a goodcamping-ground to the Tartar armies during the summer. There thetraveller saw Mount Ararat, where Noah's Ark rested after the Deluge.He noticed that the lands bordering on the Caspian Sea afford largesupplies of naphtha, which forms an important item in the trade ofthat neighbourhood.

When he left Armenia he took a north-easterly course towards Georgia,a kingdom lying on the south side of the Caucasus, whose ancientkings, says the legend, "were born with an eagle traced on theirright shoulders." The Georgians, he describes as good archers andmen of war, and also as clever in working in gold and manufacturingsilk. Here is a celebrated defile, four leagues in length, whichlies between the Caucasus and the Caspian Sea, that the Turks callthe Iron Door, and Europeans the Pass of Derbend, and here too isthe miraculous lake, where fish are said to exist only during Lent.Hence the travellers descended towards the kingdom of Mosul, andarrived at the town of the same name on the right bank of the Tigris,thence going to Baghdad, the residence of the Caliph of all theSaracens. Marco Polo gives an account of the taking of Baghdad bythe Tartars in 1255; mentioning a wonderful story in support of theChristian idea of Faith, "that can remove mountains;" he points outthe route from this town to the Persian Gulf, which may be reachedin eighteen days by the river, passing Bussorah, the country ofdates.

From this point to Tauris, a Persian town in the province ofAdzer-baidjan, Marco Polo's route seems to be doubtful. He takes uphis narrative at Tauris, which he describes as a large flourishingtown built in the midst of beautiful gardens and carrying on a greattraffic in precious stones and other valuable merchandise, but itsSaracen inhabitants are disloyal and treacherous. Here he seems todivide Persia geographically into eight provinces. The natives ofPersia, according to him, are formidable enemies to the merchants,who are obliged to travel armed with bows and arrows. The principaltrade of the country seems to be in horses and asses, which are sentto Kis or Ormuz and thence to India. The natural productions of thecountry are wheat, barley, millet, and grapes, which grow inabundance.

Marco Polo went next to Yezd, the most easterly town of PersiaProper; on leaving it, after a ride of seven days throughmagnificent forests abounding in game, he came to the province ofKirman. Here the mines yield large quantities of turquoise, as wellas iron and antimony; the manufacture of arms and harness as well asembroidery and the training of falcons for hunting occupy a greatnumber of the inhabitants. On leaving Kirman Marco Polo and his twocompanions set out on a nine days' journey across a rich andpopulous country to the town of Comadi, which is supposed to be theMemaun of the present day, and was even then sinking into decay. Thecountry was superb; on all sides were to be seen fine fat sheep,great oxen, white as snow, with short strong horns, and thousands ofdomestic fowls and other birds; also there were magnificent date,orange, and pistachio trees.

After travelling for five days they entered the beautiful and wellwatered plain of Cormos or Ormuz, and after two days' further marchthey reached the shores of the Persian Gulf and the town of Ormuz,which forms the sea-port of the kingdom of Kirman. This country theyfound very warm und unhealthy, but rich in date and spice trees, ingrain, precious stones, silk and golden stuffs, and elephants' tusks,wine made from the date and other merchandise being brought into thetown ready for shipment on board ships with but one mast, which camein numbers to the port; but many were lost on the voyage to India,as they were only built with wooden pegs, not iron nails, to fastenthem together.

From Ormuz, Marco Polo, going up again towards the north-east,visited Kirman; then he ventured by dangerous roads across a sandydesert, where there was only brackish water to be found, the desertacross which, 1500 years before, Alexander had led his army to meetNearchus. Seven days afterwards he entered the town of Khabis. Onleaving this town he crossed for eight days the great plains toTonokan, the capital of the province of Kumis, probably Damaghan. Atthis point of his narrative Marco Polo gives an account of the "OldMan of the Mountain," the chief of the Mahometan sect called theHashishins, who were noted for their religious fanaticism andterrible cruelty. He next visited the Khorassan town of Cheburgan, acity celebrated for its sweet melons, and then the noble city ofBalkh, situated near the source of the Oxus. Next he crossed acountry infested by lions to Taikan, a great salt-market frequentedby a large number of merchants, and to Scasem; this town seems to bethe Kashme spoken of by Marsden, the Kishin or Krishin ofHiouen-Tsang, which Sir Henry Rawlinson has identified with the hillof Kharesm of Zend-Avesta, that some commentators think must be themodern Koundouz. In this part of the country he says porcupinesabound, and when they are hunted they curl themselves up, dartingout the prickles on their sides and backs at the dogs that arehunting them. We now know how much faith to put in this pretendedpower of defence said to be possessed by the porcupine.

Marco Polo now entered the rocky mountainous kingdom of the Balkhs,whose kings claim descent from Alexander the Great; a cold country,producing good fast horses, excellent falcons, and all kinds of game.Here, too, are prolific ruby-mines worked by the king and whichyield large quantities, but they are so strictly enclosed that noone on pain of death may set foot on the Sighinan mountaincontaining the mines. In other places silver is found, and manyprecious stones, of which he says "they make the finest azure in theworld," meaning lapis-lazuli; his stay in this part of the countrymust have been a long one to have enabled him to observe so many ofits characteristics. Ten days' journey from hence he entered aprovince which must be the Peshawur of the present day, whosedark-skinned inhabitants were idolaters; then after seven days'further march, about mid-day he came to the kingdom of Cashmere,where the temperature is cool, and towns and villages are verynumerous. Had Marco Polo continued his route in the same directionhe would soon have reached the territory of India, but instead ofthat he took a northerly course, and in twelve days was in Vaccan, aland watered by the Upper Oxus, which runs through splendid pastures,where feed immense flocks of wild sheep, called mufflons. Thence hewent through a mountainous country, lying between the Altai andHimalayan ranges to Kashgar. Here Marco Polo's route is the same asthat of his uncle and his father during their first voyage, whenfrom Bokhara they were taken to the residence of the great khan.From Kashgar, Marco Polo diverged a little to the west, to Samarcand,a large town inhabited by Saracens and Christians, then to Yarkand,a city frequented by caravans trading between India and NorthernAsia; passing by Khotan, the capital of the province of that name,and by Pein, a town whose situation is uncertain, but in a part ofthe country where chalcedony and jasper abound. He came to thekingdom of Kharachar, which extends along the borders of the desertof Jobe; then after five days' further travelling over sandy plains,where there was no water fit to drink, he rested for eight days inthe city of Lob, a place now in ruins, while he prepared to crossthe desert lying to the east, "so great a desert," he says, "that itwould require a year to traverse its whole length, a hauntedwilderness, where drums and other instruments are heard, thoughinvisible."

After spending a year crossing this desert, Marco Polo reachedTcha-tcheou, in the province of Tangaut, a town built on the westernlimits of the Chinese empire. There are but few merchants here, thegreater part of the population being agricultural. The custom thatseems to have struck him the most in the province of Tangaut, wasthat of burning their dead only on a day fixed by the astrologers;"all the time that the dead remain in their houses, the relationsstay there with them, preparing a place at each meal as well asproviding both food and drink for the corpse, as though it werestill alive."

Marco Polo and his companions made an excursion to the north-east,to the city of Amil, going on as far as Ginchintalas, a towninhabited by idolaters, Mahometans, and Nestorian Christians, whosesituation is disputed. From this town Marco Polo returned toTcha-tcheou, and went eastward across Tangaut, by the town of So-ceu,over a tract of country particularly favourable to the cultivationof rhubarb, and by Kanpiceon, the Khan-tcheou of the Chinese, thenthe capital of the province of Tangaut, an important town, whosenumerous chiefs are idolaters and polygamists. The three Venetiansremained a year in this large city; it is easy to understand, fromtheir long halts and deviations, why they required three years fortheir journey across Central Asia.

They left Khan-tcheou, and after riding for twelve days they reachedthe borders of a sandy desert, and entered the city of Etzina. Thiswas another détour, as it lay directly north of their route, butthey wished to visit Kara-Korum, the celebrated capital of Tartary,where Rubruquis had been in 1254. Marco Polo was certainly anexplorer by nature; fatigue was nothing to him if he had anygeographical studies to complete, which is proved by his spendingforty days crossing an uninhabited desert without vegetation, inorder to reach the Tartar town.

When he arrived there, he found a city measuring three miles incircumference, which had been for a long time the capital of theEmpire, before it was conquered by Gengis-Khan, the grandfather ofthe reigning emperor. Here Marco Polo makes an historical digression,in which he gives an account of the wars of the Tartar chiefsagainst the famous Prester John who held all this part of thecountry under his dominion.

Marco Polo after returning to Khan-tcheou left it again, marchingfive days towards the east, and arriving at the town of Erginul.Thence he went a little to the south to visit Sining-foo, across atract of country where grazed great wild oxen and the valuablespecies of goat which is called the "musk-bearer." Returning toErginul, they went eastward to Cialis, where there is the bestmanufactory of cloth made from camels' hair in the world, to Tenduc,a town in the province of the same name, where a descendant ofPrester John reigned, but who had given in his submission to thegreat khan; this was a busy flourishing town: from hence thetravellers went to Sinda-tchou, and on beyond the great wall ofChina as far as Ciagannor, which must be Tzin-balgassa, a prettytown where the emperor lives when he wishes to hawk; for cranes,storks, pheasants, and partridges abound in this neighbourhood.

At last Marco Polo, his father, and his uncle, reached Ciandu orTchan-tchou of the present day, called elsewhere in this narrativeClemen-foo. Here Kublaï-Khan received the papal envoys, for he wasoccupying his summer palace beyond the great wall, north of Pekin,which was then the capital of the empire. The traveller does nottell us what reception he met with, but he describes most carefullythe palace, the grandeur of the building of stone and marble,standing in the middle of a park surrounded by walls, enclosingmenageries and fountains. Also a building made of reeds, so closelyinterlaced as to be impenetrable to water; it was a sort of movablekiosk that the great khan inhabited during the fine months of June,July, and August. The weather during the emperor's sojourn in thissummer palace could not but be beautiful, for, according to MarcoPolo, the astrologers who were attached to the khan's court werecharged to scatter all rain and fog by their sorcery, and thetravellers seem to believe in the power of these magicians. "Theseastrologers," he says, "belong to two races, both idolaters; theyare learned in all magic and enchantments, above any other men, andwhat they do is done by the aid of the devil, but they make othersbelieve that they owe their power to the help of God, and their ownholiness. These people have the following strange custom: when a manhas been condemned and put to death, they take the body, cook, andeat it; but in the case of a natural death they do not eat the body.And you must know that these people of whom I am speaking, who knowso many kinds of enchantments, work the wonder I am about to relate.When the great khan is seated at dinner in the principal dining-hall,the table of which is eight cubits in length, and the cups are onthe floor ten paces from the table, filled with wine, milk, andother good beverages, these clever magicians, by their arts, makethese cups rise by themselves, and without any one touching them,they are placed before the great khan. This has been done before animmense number of people, and is the exact truth; and those skilledin necromancy will tell you that it is quite possible to do this."

Marco Polo next gives a history of Kublaï, whom he considers topossess more lands and treasures than any man since our first father,Adam. He tells how the great khan ascended the throne in the year1256, being then eighty-five; he was a man of middle height, ratherstout, but of a fine figure, with a good complexion and black eyes.He was a good commander in war, and his talents were put to theproof when his uncle Naïan, having rebelled against him, wished todispute his power at the head of 400,000 cavalry. Kublaï-Khancollected (in secret) a force of 300,000 horsem*n, and 100,000foot-soldiers, and marched against his uncle. The battle was a mostterrible one, so many men being killed, but the khan was victorious,and Naïan, as a prince of the blood royal, was condemned to be sewnup tightly in a carpet, and died in great suffering. After hisvictory the khan made a triumphal entry into Cathay, capital ofCambaluc, or, as it is now called, Pekin. When Marco Polo arrived atthis city he made a long stay there, remaining until the emperorneeded his services to undertake various missions into the interiorof China. The emperor had a splendid palace at Cambaluc, and thetraveller gives so graphic an account of the riches and magnificenceof the Mongol sovereigns, that we give it word for word. "The palaceis surrounded by a great wall, a mile long each way, four miles inlength altogether, very thick, ten feet in height, all white andbattlemented. At each corner of this wall is a palace beautiful andrich, in which all the trappings of war belonging to the great khanare kept; his bows, quivers, the saddles and bridles of the horses,the bow-strings, in fact everything that would be wanted in time ofwar; in the midst of each square is another building, like those atthe corner, so that there are eight in all, and each buildingcontains one particular kind of harness or trapping. In the wall onthe south side are five doors, the middle or large door only beingopened when the emperor wishes to go in or out; near this great gateon either side is a smaller one through which other people may pass,and two others for the same purpose. Inside this wall is another,having also eight buildings to be used in the same manner."

Plan of Pekin.

Thus we see that all these buildings constituted the emperor'sarmoury and harness-store; we shall not be surprised that there wasso much harness to be kept when we know that the emperor possessed arace of horses white as snow, and among them ten thousand mares,whose milk was reserved for the sole use of princes of the bloodroyal.

The Emperor's palace at Pekin.

Marco Polo continues his narrative thus:—"The inner wall has fivegates on the south side, answering to those in the outer wall, buton the other sides the walls have only one gate each. In the centreof the enclosure made by these walls, stands the palace, the largestin the world. It has no second story, but the ground-floor is raisedabout eight feet above the ground. The roof is very high, the wallsof the rooms are covered with gold and silver, and on this gold andsilver are paintings of dragons, birds, horses, and other animals,so that nothing can be seen but gilding and pictures. Thedining-hall is large enough to hold 6000 men, and the number ofother rooms is marvellous, and all is so well arranged that it couldnot be improved. The ceilings are painted vermillion, green, blue,yellow, and all kinds of colours, varnished so as to shine likecrystal, and the roof is so well built that it will last for manyyears. Between the two walls the land is laid out in fields withfine trees in them, containing different species of animals, themusk-ox, white deer, roe-buck, fallow-deer, and other animals, whofill the space between the walls, except the roads reserved forhuman beings. On the north-western side is a great lake, full offishes of divers kinds, for the great khan has had several speciesplaced there, and each time that he desires it to be done, he hashis will in it. A river rises in this lake and flows out from thegrounds of the palace, but no fish escape in it, there being ironand brass nets to prevent their doing so. On the northern side, nearan arched doorway, the emperor has had a mound made, a hundred feetin height and more than a mile in circumference; it is covered withevergreen trees, and the emperor, being very fond of horticulture,whenever he hears of a fine tree, sends for it and has it brought byhis elephants, with the roots and surrounding soil, the size of thetree being no impediment, and thus he has the finest collection oftrees in the world. The hill is called 'green hill,' from its beingcovered with evergreen trees and green turf, and on the top of thehill is a house. This hill is altogether so beautiful that it is theadmiration of every one."

After Marco Polo has concluded his description of this palace, hegives one of that of the emperor's son and heir; then he speaks ofthe town of Cambaluc, the old town which is separated from themodern town of Taidu by a canal, the same which divides the Chineseand Tartar quarters of Pekin. The traveller gives many particularsof the emperor's habits, and among other things, he says thatKublaï-Khan has a body-guard of 2000 horse-soldiers; but he adds,"it is not fear that causes him to keep this guard." His meals arereal ceremonies, and etiquette is most rigidly enforced. His tableis raised above the others, and he always sits on the north sidewith his principal wife on his right, and lower down his sons,nephews, and relations; he is waited upon by noble barons, who arecareful to envelope their mouths and noses in fine cloth of gold,"so that their breath and their odour may not contaminate the foodor drink of their lord." When the emperor is about to drink, a bandof music plays, and when he takes the cup in his hand, all thebarons and every one present, fall on their knees.

The principal fêtes given by the grand khan were on the anniversaryof his birth, and on the first day of the year. At the first, 12,000barons were accustomed to assemble round the throne, and to themwere presented annually 150,000 garments made of gold and silk andornamented with pearls, whilst the subjects, idolaters as well asChristians, offered up public prayers. At the second of these fêtes,on the first day of the year, the whole population, men and womenalike, appeared dressed in white, following the tradition that whitebrings good fortune, and every one brought gifts to the king ofgreat value. One hundred thousand richly-caparisoned horses, fivethousand elephants covered with handsome cloths and carrying theimperial plate, as well as a large number of camels, passed inprocession before the emperor.

During the three winter months of December, January, and February,when the khan is living in his winter palace, all the nobles withina radius of sixty days' march are obliged to supply him with boars,stags, fallow-deer, roes, and bears. Besides, Kublaï is a greathuntsman himself, and his hunting-train is superbly mounted and keptup. He has leopards, lynxes and fine lions trained to hunt for wildanimals, eagles strong enough to chase wolves, foxes, fallow androe-deer, and, as Marco Polo says, "often to take them too," and hisdogs may be counted by thousands. It is about March when the emperorbegins his principal hunting in the direction of the sea, and he isaccompanied by no less than 10,000 falconers, 500 gerfalcons, andmany goshawks, peregrine, and sacred falcons. During the huntingexcursion, a portable palace, covered outside with lions' skins andinside with cloth of gold, and carried on four elephants harnessedtogether, accompanies the emperor everywhere, who seems to enjoy allthis oriental pomp and display. He goes as far as the camp ofChachiri-Mongou, which is situated on a stream, a tributary of theriver Amoor, and the tent is set up, which is large enough to holdten thousand nobles. This is his reception-saloon where he givesaudiences; and when he wishes to sleep he goes into a tent which ishung all round with ermine and sable furs of almost priceless value.The emperor lives thus till about Easter, hunting cranes, swans,hares, stags, roebucks, &c., and then returns to his capital,Cambaluc.

Marco Polo now completes his description of this fine city andenumerates the twelve quarters it contains, in many of which therich merchants have their palatial houses, for commerce flourishesin this town, and more valuable merchandise is brought to it than toany other in the world. It is the depôt and market for the richestproductions of India, such as pearls and precious stones, andmerchants come from long distances round to purchase them. The khanhas established a mint here for the benefit of trade, and it is aninexhaustible source of revenue to him. The bank-notes, sealed withthe emperor's seal, are made of a kind of card-board manufacturedfrom the bark of the mulberry-tree. The card-board thus prepared iscut into various thicknesses according to the value of the money itis supposed to represent. The currency of this money is enforced,none daring to refuse it "on pain of death;" the emperor using it inall his payments, and enforcing its circulation throughout hisdominions. Besides this, several times in the year the possessors ofprecious stones, pearls, gold, or silver, are obliged to bring theirtreasures to the mint and receive in exchange for them these piecesof card-board, so that, in fact, the emperor becomes the possessorof all the riches in his empire.

According to Marco Polo the system of the Imperial Government waswonderfully centralized. "The kingdom is divided into thirty-fourprovinces, and is governed by twelve of the greatest barons livingin Cambaluc; in the same palace also reside the intendants andsecretaries, who conduct the business of each province. From thiscentral city a great number of roads diverge to the various parts ofthe kingdom, and on these roads are now post-houses stationed atintervals of twenty-two miles, where well-mounted messengers arealways ready to carry the emperor's messages. Besides this, at everythree miles on the road there is a little hamlet of about fourteenhouses where the couriers live, who carry messages on foot; thesem*n wear a belt round their waists and have a girdle with bellsattached to it, that are heard at a long distance; they start at agallop, quickly accomplishing the three miles and giving the messageto the courier who is waiting for it at the next hamlet; thus theemperor receives news from places at long distances from the capitalin a comparatively short time." This mode of communication alsoinvolved but small expense to Kublaï-Khan, as the only remunerationhe gave these couriers was their exemption from taxation, and as tothe horses, they were furnished gratuitously by the provinces.

But if the emperor used his power in this manner to lay heavyburdens upon his subjects, he exerted himself actively for theirgood, and was always ready to help them; for instance, when theircrops were damaged by hail-storms, he not only remitted all taxes,but gave them corn from his own stores, and when there was any greatmortality among the flocks and herds in any particular province, healways replaced them at his own expense. He was careful to have alarge quantity of wheat, barley, millet, and rice, stored up inyears of abundant harvest, so as to keep the price of grain at auniform rate when the harvest failed. He was particularly careful ofthe poor who lived in Cambaluc. "He had a list made of all thepoorest houses in the town, where they were usually short of food,and supplied them liberally with wheat and other grain according tothe size of their families, and bread was never refused to anyapplying at the palace for it; it is computed that at least 30,000persons avail themselves of this daily throughout the year. Hiskindness to his poor subjects makes them almost worship him." Thewhole affairs of the empire are administered with great care, theroads well kept up and planted with fine trees, so that from adistance their direction can easily be traced. There is no want ofwood, and in Cathay they work a number of coal-pits which supplyabundance of coal.

Marco Polo remained a long time at Cambaluc, and his intelligence,spirit, and readiness in adapting himself, made him a greatfavourite with the emperor. He was intrusted with various missions,not only in China, but also to places on the coast of India, Ceylon,the Coromandel and Malabar coasts, and a part of Cochin-China nearCambogia, and between the years 1277 and 1280 he was made governorof Yang-tcheou, and of twenty-seven other towns which were joinedwith it under the same government. Thanks to the missions on whichhe was sent, he travelled over an immense extent of country, andgained a great amount of ethnological and geographical knowledge. Wecan now follow him map in hand through some of these journeys, whichwere of the greatest service to science.

Tso-cheu—Tai-yen-fou—Pin-yang-fou—The YellowRiver—Signan-fou—Szu-tchouan—Ching-tu-fou—Thibet—Li-kiang-fou—Carajan—Yung-tchang—Mien—Bengal—Annam—Tai-ping—Cintingui—Sindifoo—Té-cheu—Tsi-nan-fou—Lin-tsin-choo—Lin-sing—Mangi—Yang-tcheu-fou—Townson the coast—Quin-say or Hang-tcheou-foo—Fo-kien.

When Marco Polo had been at Cambaluc some time, he was sent on amission that kept him absent from the capital for four months. Tenmiles southwards from Cambaluc, he crossed the fine river Pe-ho-nor(which he calls the Pulisanghi), by a stone bridge of twenty-fourarches, and 300 feet in length, which was then without parallel inthe world. Thirty miles further on he came to the town of Tso-cheu,where a large trade in sandal-wood is carried on; at ten days'journey from hence he came to the modern town of Tai-yen-fou, whichwas once the seat of an independent government. All the province ofShan-si seemed rich in vines and mulberry-trees; the principalindustry in the towns was the making of armour for the emperor's use.

A fine bridge of stone built on twenty-four arches.

Seven days' journey further on they came to the beautiful commercialcity of Pianfou, now called Pin-yang-foo, where the manufacture ofsilk was carried on. He soon afterwards came to the banks of theYellow River, which he calls Caramoran or Black River, probably onaccount of its waters being darkened by the aquatic plants growingin them; at two days' journey from hence he came to the town ofCacianfu, whose position is not now clearly defined. He foundnothing remarkable in this town, and leaving it he rode across abeautiful country, covered with towns, country-houses, and gardens,and abounding in game.

In eight days he reached the fine city of Quangianfoo, the ancientcapital of the Tâng dynasty, now called Signanfoo, and the capitalof Shensi; here reigned Prince Mangalai, the emperor's son, anupright and amiable prince, much loved by his people. He lived in amagnificent palace outside the town, built in the midst of a park,of which the battlemented wall cannot have been less than five milesin circumference.

From Signanfoo, the traveller went towards Thibet, across the modernprovince of Szu-tchouan, a mountainous country intersected by deepvalleys, where lions, bears, lynxes, &c., abounded, and aftertwenty-eight days' march he found himself on the borders of thegreat plain of Acmelic-mangi. This is a fertile country and producesall kinds of vegetation; ginger is especially cultivated; there issufficient to supply all the province of Cathay, and so fertile isthe soil that according to a French traveller, M. E. Simon, an acreis now worth 15,000 francs, or three francs the metre. In thethirteenth century this plain was covered with towns andcountry-houses, and the inhabitants lived upon the fruits of theground, and the produce of their flocks and herds, while the largequantity of game furnished hunters with abundant occupation.

Marco Polo next visited the town of Sindafou (now Tching-too-foo),the capital of the province of Se-tchu-an, whose population at thepresent day exceeds 1,500,000 souls. Sindafu, measuring at that timetwenty miles round, was divided into three parts, each surroundedwith its own wall, and each part had a king of its own beforeKublaï-Khan took possession of the town. The great river Kiang ranthrough the town: it contained large quantities of fish, and fromits size resembled a sea more than a river; its waters were coveredby a vast number of vessels. Five days after leaving this busy,thriving town Marco Polo reached the province of Thibet, which hesays "is very desolate, for it has been destroyed by the war."

Thibet abounds in lions, bears, and other savage animals, from whichthe travellers would have much difficulty in defending themselveshad it not been for the quantity of large thick canes that growthere, which are probably bamboos: he says, "the merchants andtravellers passing through these countries at night collect aquantity of these canes and make a large fire of them, for when theyare burning they make such a noise and crackle so much, that thelions, bears, and other wild beasts take flight to a distance, andwould not approach these fires on any account; thus both men, horses,and camels are safe. In another way, too, protection is afforded bythrowing a number of these canes on a wood fire, and when theybecome heated and split, and the sap hisses, the sound is heard atleast ten miles off. When any one is not accustomed to this noise,it is so terrifying that even the horses will break away from theircords and tethers; so their owners often bandage their eyes and tietheir feet together to prevent their running away." This method ofburning canes is still used in countries where the bamboo grows, andindeed the noise may be compared to the loudest explosion offire-works.

According to Marco Polo, Thibet is a very large province, having itsown language; and its inhabitants, who are idolaters, are a race ofbold thieves. A large river, the Khin-cha-kiang, flows overauriferous sands through the province; a quantity of coral is foundin it which is much used for idols, and for the adornment of thewomen. Thibet was at this time under the dominion of the great khan.

The traveller took a westerly direction when he left Sindafou, andcrossing the kingdom of Gaindu he must have come to Li-kiang-foo,the capital of the country that is now called Tsi-mong. In thisprovince he visited a beautiful lake which produces pearl-oysters;the fishing is the emperor's property; he also found greatquantities of cinnamon, ginger, cloves, and other spices undercultivation.

After leaving the province of Gaindu, and crossing a large river,probably the Irrawaddy, Marco Polo took a south-easterly course tothe province of Carajan, which probably forms the north-western partof Yunnan. According to his account all the inhabitants of thisprovince, who are mostly great riders, live on the raw flesh offowls, sheep, buffaloes, and oxen; the rich seasoning their raw meatwith garlic sauce and good spices. This country is infested withgreat adders, and serpents, "hideous to look upon." These reptiles,probably alligators, were ten feet long, had two legs armed withclaws, and with their large heads and great jaws could at one gulpswallow a man.

Five days' journey west of Carajan, Marco Polo took a new route tothe south, and entered the province of Zardandan, whose capitalNocian, is the modern town of Yung-chang. All the inhabitants of thecity had teeth of gold; that is to say, they covered their teethwith little plates of gold which they removed before eating. The menof this province employed themselves only in hunting, catching birds,and making war, the hard work all devolving upon the women andslaves. These Zardanians have neither idols nor churches, but theyeach worship their ancestor, the patriarch of the family. Theirtradesmen carry their goods about on barrows like the bakers inFrance. They have no doctors, but only enchanters, who jump, dance,and play musical instruments around the invalid's bed till he eitherdies or recovers.

Marco Polo in the midst of the forests.

Leaving these people with gilded teeth, Marco Polo took the greatroad which conveys all the traffic between India and Indo-China, andpassed by Bhamo, where a market is held three times a week, whichattracts merchants from the most distant countries. After riding forfifteen days through forests filled with elephants, unicorns, andother wild animals, he came to the great city of Mien; that is tosay, to that part of Upper Burmah, of which the present capital, ofrecent erection, is called Amarapura. This city of Mien, which maybe, perhaps, the old town of Ava now in ruins, or the old town ofPaghan situated on the Irrawaddy, possessed a veritablearchitectural marvel, in two towers, one built of fine stone, andentirely covered with a coating of gold about an inch in thickness,and the other, also of stone, coated with silver, both intended toserve as a tomb for the king of Mien, before his kingdom fell underthe dominion of the khan. After visiting this province, thetraveller went to Bangala, the Bengal of the present day, which atthis time, 1290, did not belong to Kublaï-Khan. The emperor's forceswere then engaged in trying to conquer this fertile country, rich incotton plants, in sugar-canes, &c., and whose magnificent oxen werelike elephants in height. From thence, the traveller ventured as faras the city of Cancigu, in the province of the same name, probablythe modern town of Kassaye. The natives here tattooed their bodies,and with needles drew pictures of lions, dragons, and birds on theirfaces, necks, bellies, hands, legs, and bodies, and he who had thegreatest number of these pictures they considered the most beautifulof human beings.

Cancigu was the most southerly point visited by Marco Polo, duringthis journey. Leaving this city, he went towards the north-east, andby the country of Amu, Anam, and Tonkin, he reached Toloman, nowcalled Tai-ping, after fifteen days' march. There he found that finerace of men, of dark colour, who have crowned their mountains withstrong castles, and whose ordinary food is the flesh of animals,milk, rice, and spices.

On leaving Toloman, he followed the course of a river for twelvedays, and found numerous towns on its banks. Here, as M. Chartontruly observes, the traveller is leaving the country known as Indiabeyond the Ganges, and returning towards China. In fact, Marco Poloafter leaving Toloman visited the province of Guigui with itscapital of the same name, and what struck him most in this country,(and we cannot but think that the bold explorer was also a keenhunter) was the great number of lions that were to be seen about itsmountains and plains. Only, commentators are of opinion that thelions he speaks of must have been tigers, for no lions are found inChina, but we will give his own words: he says, "There are so manylions in this country, that it is not safe to sleep out of doors forfear of being devoured. And when you are on the river and stop forthe night, you must be careful to anchor far from land, forotherwise the lions come to the vessel, seize upon a man, and devourhim. The inhabitants of this part of the country are well aware ofthis, and so take measures to guard against it. These lions are verylarge and very dangerous, but there are dogs in this country braveenough to attack these lions; it requires two dogs and a man toovercome each lion."

From this province Marco Polo returned to Sindifu, the capital ofthe province of Se-chuen, whence he had started on his excursioninto Thibet; and retracing the route by which he had set out, hereturned to Kublaï-Khan, after having brought his mission toIndo-China to a satisfactory termination. It was probably at thistime that the traveller was first entrusted by the emperor withanother mission to the south-east of China. M. Pauthier, in his finework upon the Venetian traveller, speaks of this south-easterly partof China as "the richest and most flourishing quarter of this vastempire and that also about which, since the 16th century, Europeanshave had the most information."

As we return to the route that M. Pauthier has traced on his map, wefind that Marco Polo went southwards to Ciangli, probably the townof Ti-choo, and at six days' journey from thence he came toCondinfoo, the present city of Tsi-nan, the capital of the provinceof Shan-tung, the birthplace of Confucius. It was at that time afine town and much frequented by silk-merchants, and its beautifulgardens produced abundance of excellent fruit. Three days' marchfrom hence, the traveller came to the town of Lin-tsing, standing atthe mouth of the Yu-ho canal, the principal rendezvous for theinnumerable boats that carry so much merchandise to the provinces ofMangi and Cathay. Eight days afterwards he passed by Ligui, whichseems to correspond to the modern town of Lin-tsin, and the town ofPiceu, the first city in the province of Tchang-su; then by the townof Cingui, he arrived at Caramoran, the Yellow River, which he hadcrossed higher up when he was on his way to Indo-China; here MarcoPolo was not more than a league from the mouth of this great river.After crossing it he was in the province of Mangi, a territoryincluded in the Empire of the Soongs.

Before this province of Mangi belonged to Kublaï-Khan it wasgoverned by a very pacific king, who shunned war, and was verymerciful to all his subjects. Marco Polo describes him so well thatwe will quote his own words. "This last emperor of the Soong dynastywas most generous, and I will cite but two noble traits to showthis; every year he had nearly 20,000 infants brought up at theroyal charge, for it was the custom in these provinces, when a poorwoman could not bring up a child herself, to cast it away as soon asit was born, to die. The king had all these children taken care of,and a record kept of the sign and the planet under which each wasborn, and then they were sent to different places to be brought up,for there are a quantity of nurses. When a rich man had no sons, hecame to the king and asked of him some of his wards, who wereimmediately given to him. As the children grew up they intermarried,and the king gave them sufficient incomes to live upon. When he wentthrough his dominions and saw a small house among several muchlarger ones, he inquired why this house was smaller than those nearit, and if he found it was on account of the poverty of the owner,he immediately had it made as large as the others at his own expense.He was always waited upon by a thousand pages and a thousand girls.He kept up such rigorous discipline throughout his kingdom thatthere was never any crime; at night, houses and shops remained open,and nothing was taken from them, and travelling was as safe by nightas by day."

Marco Polo came first to the town of Coigangui, now called Hoang-fou,on the banks of the Yellow River, where the principal industry isthe preparation of the salt found in the salt marshes. One day'sjourney from this town he came to Pau-in-chen, famous for its clothof gold, and the town of Caiu, now Kao-yu, whose inhabitants areclever fishermen and hunters, then to the city of Tai-cheu, wherenumerous vessels are generally to be found, and at last to the cityof Yangui.

This town of Yangui, of which Marco Polo was the governor for threeyears, is the modern Yang-tchou; it is a very populous and busy town,and cannot be less than two leagues in circumference. It was fromYangui that the traveller set out on the various expeditions whichenabled him to see so much of the inland and sea-coast towns.

First, the traveller went westward to Nan-ghin, which must not beconfounded with Nan-kin of the present day. Its modern name isNgan-khing, and it stands in the midst of a remarkably fertileprovince. Further on in the same direction he came to Saianfu, whichis now called Siang-yang, and is built in the northern part of theprovince of Hou-pe. This was the last town in the province of Mangithat resisted the dominion of Kublaï-Khan; he besieged it for threeyears, and he owed his taking it at last to the help of the threePolos, who constructed some powerful balistas and crushed thebesieged under a perfect hail-storm of stones, some of which weighedas much as three hundred pounds. From Saianfu Marco Polo retracedhis steps that he might visit some of the towns on the sea-coast. Hevisited Kui-kiang on the river Kiang, which is very broad here, andupon which 5000 ships can sail at the same moment; Kain-gui, whichsupplies the Emperor's palace with corn; Ching-kiang where are twoNestorian Christian churches; Ginguigui, now Tchang-tcheou, a busythriving city; and Singui, now called Soo-choo, a large town, which,according to the very exaggerated account of the Venetian traveller,has no less than 6000 bridges.

After spending some time at Vugui, probably Hou-tcheou, and atCiangan, now Kia-hing, Marco Polo reached the fine city of Quinsay,after three days' march. This name means the "City of Heaven," butit is now called Hang-chow-foo. It is six leagues round; the riverTsien-tang-kiang flows through it, and by its constant windings,makes Quinsay almost a second Venice. This ancient capital of theSoongs is almost as populous as Pekin; its streets are paved withstones and bricks, and if we may credit Marco Polo's statement, itcontained "600,000 houses, 4000 bathing establishments, and 12,000stone bridges." In this city dwell the richest merchants in theworld with their wives, who are "beautiful and angelic creatures."It is the residence of a viceroy, who has besides, 140 other citiesunder his dominion. Here was to be seen also the palace of the Mangisovereigns surrounded by beautiful gardens, lakes, and fountains,the palace itself containing more than a thousand rooms. Kublaï-Khandraws immense revenues from this town and province, and it is bytens of thousands of pounds we must reckon the income derived fromthe sugar, salt, spices, and silk, which form the principalproductions of this country. At one day's journey south from Quinsay,Marco Polo visited Chao-hing, Vugui, or Hou-tcheou, Ghengui orKui-tcheou, Cianscian or Yo-tcheou-fou (according to M. Charton),and Sonï-tchang-fou (according to M. Pauthier), and Cugui orKiou-tcheou, the last town in the kingdom of Quinsay; thence heentered the kingdom of Fugui, whose chief town of the same name isnow called Fou-tcheou-foo, the capital of the province of Fo-kien.According to Marco Polo, the inhabitants of this province are acruel warlike race, never sparing their enemies, of whom, after theyhave killed them, they drink the blood and eat the flesh. Afterpassing by Quenlifu, now Kien-ning-foo, and Unguen, the travellerentered Fugui, probably the modern town of Kuant-tcheou (calledCanton amongst us), and the chief town of the province, where alarge trade in pearls and precious stones was carried on, and infive days he reached the port of Zaitem, probably the Chinese townof Tsiuen-tcheou, which was the extreme point reached by him in thisexploration of south-eastern China.

Japan—Departure of the three Venetians with the Emperor's daughterand the Persian ambassadors—Sai-gon—Java—Condor—Bintang—Sumatra—TheNicobar Islands—Ceylon—The Coromandel coast—TheMalabar coast—The Sea of Oman—The island of Socotra—Madagascar—Zanzibarand the coast of Africa—Abyssinia—Yemen—Hadramaut andOman—Ormuz—The return to Venice—A feast in the household ofPolo—Marco Polo a Genoese prisoner—Death of Marco Polo about 1323.

Marco Polo returned to the court of Kublaï-Khan when he had finishedthe expedition of which we spoke in the last chapter. He was thenentrusted with several other missions, in which he found hisknowledge of the Turkish, Chinese, Mongolian, and Mantchorianlanguages of the greatest use. He seems to have taken part in anexpedition to the islands in the Indian Ocean, and he brought back adetailed account of this hitherto little known sea. There is a wantof clearness as to dates at this part of his life, which makes itdifficult to give a correct narrative of these voyages in theirright order. He gives a circ*mstantial account of the Island ofCipango, a name applying to the group of islands which make upJapan; but it does not appear that he actually entered that kingdom.This country was famous for its wealth, and about 1264, some yearsbefore Marco Polo arrived at the Tartar court, Kublaï-Khan had triedto conquer it and sent his fleet there with that purpose. They hadtaken possession of a citadel and put all its valiant defenders tothe edge of the sword, but just at the moment of apparent victory astorm arose and dispersed all the enemy's fleet, and thus theexpedition was useless. Marco Polo gives a long account of thisattempt, and adds many curious particulars as to Japanese customs.

Marco Polo, with his father and uncle, had now been seventeen yearsin the service of Kublaï-Khan, and even longer absent from their owncountry; they had a great wish to revisit it, but the Emperor hadbecome so much attached to them, and valued their services so highly,that he could not make up his mind to part with them. He tried inevery way to shake their resolution, offering them riches and honourif only they would remain with him, but they still held to theirplan of returning to Europe; the Emperor then absolutely refused toallow them to go, and Marco Polo could find no means of eluding thesurveillance of which he was the object, until circ*mstances arosewhich quite changed Kublaï-Khan's resolution.

A Mongol prince, named Arghun, whose dominions were in Persia, hadsent an ambassador to the Emperor to ask one of the princesses ofthe blood royal, in marriage. Kublaï-Khan acceded to his request andsent off his daughter Cogatra to Prince Arghun, attended by anumerous suite; but the countries by which they endeavoured totravel were not safe; the caravan was soon stopped by disturbancesand rebellions, and after some months was obliged to return to theEmperor's palace. The Persian ambassadors had heard Marco Polospoken of as a clever navigator who had had some experience of theIndian Ocean, and they begged the Emperor to confide the PrincessCogatra to his care, that he might conduct her to her future husband,thinking that the voyage by sea would probably be attended by lessdanger than a land journey.

After some demur Kublaï-Khan acceded to their request, and equippeda fleet of forty four-masted vessels, provisioning them for twoyears. Some of these were very large, having a crew of 250 men, forthis was an important expedition worthy of the opulent Emperor ofChina. Matteo, Nicolo, and Marco Polo set out with the Chineseprincess and the Persian ambassadors, and it was during this voyage,which lasted eighteen months, that it seems most probable that MarcoPolo visited the islands of Sunda and other islands in the IndianOcean, as well as Ceylon and the towns on the coast of India. Wewill follow him in his voyage and give his description of the placesthat he visited in this hitherto little known portion of the globe.

Kublaï-Khan equips a fleet.

It must have been about 1291 or 1292 that the fleet left the port ofZaitem, under the command of Marco Polo. He steered first forTchampa, a great country situated at the south of Cochin China, andwhich contains the present province of Saïgon, belonging to France.This was not a new country to Marco Polo, as he had visited it about1280, when he was on a mission for the Emperor. At this time,Tchampa was under the dominion of the grand khan, and paid him anannual tribute in elephants; when Marco Polo visited this countrybefore its conquest by Kublaï-Khan, he found the reigning king hadno less than 326 children, of whom 150 were old enough to carry arms.

Leaving the peninsula of Cambodia, the fleet went in the directionof Java, the rich island that Kublaï-Khan had never been able tosubjugate, where abundance of pepper, cloves, nutmegs, &c., grew.After putting into port at Condor and Sandur, at the extremity ofthe peninsular of Cochin China, they reached the island of Pentam(Bintang), situated near the eastern entrance of the straits ofMalacca, and the island of Sumatra, called Little Java. "This islandis so much in the south," he says, "that they never see there thepolar star," which is true as far as the inhabitants of the southernpart are concerned. It is very fertile, aloes growing mostluxuriantly; and here wild elephants and rhinoceroses (called byMarco Polo unicorns) are found, and apes, too, in large numbers. Thefleet was detained five months on these shores by contrary winds,and the traveller made the most of his time in visiting theprincipal provinces of the island, such as Samara, Dagraian, andLabrin (which boasts a great number of men with tails—evidentlyapes), and the island of Fandur or Panchor, where the sago-treegrows, from which a kind of flour is obtained that makes very goodbread.

At last the wind changed, and enabled the vessels to leave LittleJava, and after touching at Necaran, which must be one of theNicobar Islands, and at the Andaman group, whose inhabitants arestill cannibals, as they were in the time of Marco Polo, the fleettook a south-westerly course and arrived on the coast of Ceylon."This island," says the traveller in his narrative, "was once muchlarger, for according to the map of the world that the pilots ofthese seas carry, it was once 3600 miles in circumference but thenorth wind blows with such force in these parts that it caused apart of the island to be submerged." This tradition is still held bythe inhabitants of Ceylon. Here are collected in abundance, rubies,sapphires, topaz, amethysts, and other precious stones, such asgarnets, opals, agates, and sardonyx. The king of the country wasthe possessor at this time of a most splendid ruby as long as thepalm of the hand, as thick as a man's arm, and red as fire, whichexcited the envy of the grand khan, who vainly tried to induce itspossessor to part with it, offering a whole city in exchange, butthat could not tempt the King to let him have the jewel.

Sixty miles west of Ceylon the travellers came to Maabar, a greatprovince on the coast of India. This must not be mistaken forMalabar, which is situated on the west coast of the Indian peninsula.This Maabar forms the southern part of the Coromandel coast, and iscelebrated for its pearl fisheries. Here the magicians are at work,and are said to render the monsters of the deep harmless to thefishermen; they are astrologers whose race is perpetuated even tomodern times. Marco Polo gives some interesting details of thecustoms of the natives, one is that when a king dies, the noblesthrow themselves into the fire in his honour; another strange customis that of the religious purifications twice every day, and theirblind faith in astrologers and diviners; he also speaks of thefrequency of religious suicides, and the sacrifice of widows whomthe funeral pile awaits on the death of their husbands. He alsonotices the skill in physiognomy evinced by the natives.

The next resting-place of the fleet was Muftili, of which thecapital is now called Masulipatam, the chief city of the kingdom ofGolconda. This country was well governed by a queen, a widow forforty years, who desired to remain faithful to the memory of herhusband. The country contained many valuable diamond mines, butthese were unfortunately among mountains where serpents abounded;the miners had recourse to a strange device when collecting theprecious stones, to protect themselves from these reptiles, which wemay believe or not as we choose. Marco Polo says: "They take severalpieces of meat, and throw them among the pointed rocks, where no mancan go, and the meat, falling upon the diamonds, they becomeattached to it. Now, among these mountains live a number of whiteeagles, who hunt the serpents, and when they see the meat at thefoot of the precipices they swoop down and carry it away. At themoment the men who have been following the eagles' movements seethem alight to eat the meat, they raise fearful cries, the meat isdropped and the eagles take to flight, and thus the men have nodifficulty in taking the diamonds that are attached to the meat.Diamonds are often found on the mountains, mingled with theexcrement of the eagles."

After visiting the small town of St. Thomas, situated some miles tothe south of Madras, where St. Thomas the apostle is said to beburied, the travellers explored the kingdom of Maabar and especiallythe province of Lar, from whence spring all the "Abrahamites" ofthe world, probably the Brahmins. These men, he says, live to agreat age, owing to their abstinence and sobriety; some have beenknown to attain 150 and even 200 years of age; their diet isprincipally rice and milk, and they drink a mixture of sulphur andquicksilver. These "Abrahamites" are clever merchants, superstitious,however, but remarkably sincere, and never guilty of theft of anykind; they never kill any living thing, and they worship the ox,which is a sacred animal among them.

The fleet now returned to Ceylon, where in 1284 Kublaï-Khan had sentan ambassador who had brought him back some pretended relics of Adam,and among other things two of his molar teeth; for, if we canbelieve the Saracen traditions, the tomb of our first father musthave been on the summit of one of the precipitous mountains, whichforms the highest ground in the island. After losing sight of Ceylon,Marco Polo went to Cail, a port that we do not find marked on any ofthe modern maps, but a place where all the vessels touched comingfrom Ormuz, Kiss, Aden, and the coasts of Arabia. Thence doublingCape Comorin they came to Coilum, now Quilon, which was a verythriving city in the thirteenth century. It is there that a greatquantity of sandal-wood and indigo is found, and merchants come inlarge numbers from the Levant and from the West to trade in both.The country of Malabar produces a great quantity of rice, and wildanimals are found there, such as leopards, which Marco Polo calls"black lions," also peaco*cks of much greater beauty than those ofEurope, as well as different kinds of parroquets.

The fleet, leaving Coilum, and advancing northwards along theMalabar coast, arrived at the shores of the kingdom of Maundallay,which derives its name from a mountain situated on the borders ofKanara and Malabar; here pepper, ginger, saffron, and other spicesabound. To the north of this kingdom extended that country which theVenetian traveller calls Melibar, and which is situated to the northof Malabar proper. The vessels of the Mangalore merchants came hereto trade with the natives of this part of India for cargoes ofspices, a fine kind of cloth called buckram and other valuablewares; but their vessels were frequently attacked, and too oftenpillaged by the pirates who infested these seas, and who were justlyregarded as formidable enemies. These pirates principally inhabitthe peninsula of Gohourat, now called Gujerat, where the fleet wason its way after calling at Tana—a country where is collected thefrankincense—and Canboat, now Kambay, a town where there is a greattrade in leather. Visiting Sumenath, a city of the peninsula, whoseinhabitants are cruel, ferocious, and idolaters, and Kesmacoran, themodern city of Kedje, the capital of Makran, situated on the Indusnear the sea, and the last town in India on the northwest, MarcoPolo went westward across the sea of Oman, instead of going toPersia, which was the destination of the princess.

His insatiable love of exploration led him 500 miles away to theshores of Arabia, where he stopped at the Male and Female Islands,so called from the men usually living on one island, and their wiveson the other. Thence they sailed to the south towards the island ofSocotra, at the entrance of the Gulf of Aden, which, Marco Polopartially explored. He speaks of the inhabitants of Socotra asclever magicians, who, by their enchantments, obtain the fulfilmentof all their wishes as well as the power of stilling storms andtempests. Then, taking a southerly course of 1000 miles, he arrivedat the shores of Madagascar. This island appeared to him to be oneof the grandest in the world. Its inhabitants are very much occupiedwith commerce, especially in elephants' tusks. They live principallyupon camels' flesh, which is better and more wholesome food than anyother. The merchants on their way from the coast of India areusually only twenty days crossing the Sea of Oman; but when theyreturn they are often three months on the voyage on account of theopposing currents which take them always southwards. Nevertheless,they visit Madagascar very constantly, for there are whole forestsof sandal-wood, and amber is also found there, from which they canobtain great profit by bartering it for gold and silk stuffs. Wildanimals and game are plentiful; according to Marco Polo, leopards,bears, lions, wild boars, giraffes, wild asses, roebucks, deer,stags, and cattle were to be found in great numbers; but what seemedmost marvellous of all to him was the fabulous griffin, the roc, ofwhich we hear so much in the "Thousand and one Nights," which is not,he says, "an animal, half-lion and half-bird, able to raise andcarry away an elephant in its claws." It was probably the "epyornismaximus," for some eggs of this bird are still to be found inMadagascar.

This wonderful bird was probably the epyornis maximus.

From this island Marco Polo went in a north-westerly direction toZanzibar and the coast of Africa. The inhabitants seemed to himremarkably stout, but strong and able to carry the burdens of fourordinary men, "which is not strange," he says, "for they each eat asmuch as five other men;" these natives were black and wore noclothing, they had large mouths and turned-up noses, thick lips, andlarge eyes, a description that agrees exactly with that of thenatives of that part of Africa now. They live upon rice, meat, milk,and dates, and make a kind of wine of rice, sugar, and spices. Theyare brave warriors and fearless of death; they are usually in warmounted on camels and elephants, and armed with a leathern shield, asword, and a lance; they give their animals an intoxicating drink toexcite them on going into action.

In Marco Polo's time, says M. Charton, the countries comprised underthe title of India were divided into three parts; Greater India orHindostan, that is, the country lying between the Indus and theGanges; Lesser India, that is, all the country lying beyond theGanges, between the western coast of the peninsula and the coast ofCochin China; lastly, Middle India, that is, Abyssinia and theArabian coast to the Persian Gulf. After leaving Zanzibar it wasMiddle India whose coast Marco Polo explored, sailing towards thenorth, and first Abassy or Abyssinia, a fertile country where themanufacture of fine cotton cloths and buckram is largely carried on.Then the fleet went to Zaila, almost at the entrance of the straitsof Bab-el-Mandeb, and at last by the coast of Yemen and Hadramautthey came to Aden, the port frequented by all the ships trading withIndia and China; then to Escier, whence a great quantity of finehorses are exported; Dafar, which produces incense of the finestquality, and Galatu, now Kalajate, on the coast of Oman; then toOrmuz, that Marco Polo had visited once before when he was on hisway from Venice to the court of Kublaï-Khan. This was the furthestpoint that the fleet had to reach, as the princess was now on theborders of Persia, after a voyage of eighteen months. But on theirarrival they were met by the sad news of the death of Prince Arghun,the fiancé of the princess, and they found the country involved incivil war. The poor princess was put under the care of Prince Ghazan,the son of Prince Arghun, who did not ascend the throne until 1295,when his uncle, the usurper, was strangled. What became of theprincess we do not hear, but on parting with Nicolo, Matteo, andMarco Polo, she bestowed on them great marks of favour. It wasprobably during Marco Polo's residence in Persia that he collectedsome curious documents upon Turkey in Asia; they are disconnectedpieces, which he gives at the close of his narrative, and they forma genuine history of the Mongol Khans of Persia. His travels forexploration were at an end, and after taking leave of the Tartarprincess, the three Venetians well escorted, and with all expensespaid, set out on their way home. They went to Trebizond, then toConstantinople, and thence to Negropont, where they embarked forVenice.

It was in the year 1295, twenty-four years after leaving it, thatMarco Polo and his companions returned to their native town. Theywere bronzed by exposure to the air and sun, coarsely clad in Tartarcostume, and both in manners and language were so much moreMongolian than Venetian, that even their nearest relatives failed torecognize them. Beyond this, a report had been widely spread thatthey were dead, and it had gained so much credence that theirfriends never expected to see them again. They went to their ownhouse in the part of Venice called St. John Chrysostom, and found itoccupied by different members of the Polo family, who received thetravellers with every mark of distrust, which their pitiableappearance did not tend to lessen, and placed no faith in thesomewhat marvellous stories related to them by Marco Polo. Aftersome persuasion, however, they gained admittance into their ownhouse. When they had been a few days in Venice, the three travellersgave a magnificent banquet, followed by a splendid fête, to do awaywith any remaining doubts as to their identity. They invited thenobility of Venice and all the members of their own family, and whenall the guests were assembled the three hosts appeared dressed incrimson satin robes; the guests then entered the dining-room, andthe feast began. After the first course was over the threetravellers retired for a few moments and then reappeared, clad inrobes of splendid silk damask, which they proceeded to tear, and topresent each of their guests with a piece. After the second coursethey dressed themselves in even more splendid robes of crimsonvelvet, which they wore until the feast was over, when they appearedin simple Venetian costume. The astonished guests marvelled at themagnificence of these garments, and wondered what their hosts wouldnext show them; then the coarse rough clothes that they had worn onthe voyage were brought in, and when the linings and seams wereundone, rubies, sapphires, emeralds, diamonds, and carbuncles ofgreat value were poured forth from them; great riches had beenhidden in these rags. This unexpected sight cleared away all doubt;the three travellers were recognized at once as Marco, Nicolo, andMatteo Polo, and congratulations upon their return were showeredupon them.

So celebrated a man as Marco Polo could not escape civic honours. Hewas made first magistrate in Venice, and as he was continuallyspeaking of the "millions" of the Grand Khan, who commanded"millions" of subjects, he gained the soubriquet of Signor Million.

It was about 1296 that a war broke out between Venice and Genoa. AGenoese fleet under the command of Lamba Doria crossed the Adriatic,and threatened the sea coast. The Venetian Admiral Andrea Dandoloimmediately manned a larger fleet and entrusted the command of agalley to Marco Polo who was justly considered an able commander.The Venetians were beaten in a naval battle on the 8th of September,1296, and Marco Polo, badly wounded, fell into the hands of theGenoese, who, knowing and appreciating the value of their prisoner,treated him with great kindness. He was taken to Genoa, and theremet with a hearty welcome from the most distinguished people, whowere anxious to hear the account of his travels. It was during hiscaptivity, in 1298, that he made acquaintance with Pisano Rusticien,and, tired of repeating his story again and again, dictated hisnarrative to him.

About 1299 Marco Polo was set at liberty; he returned to Venice, andthere married. From this time we hear no more of the incidents ofhis life, and only know from his will that he left three daughters;he is thought to have died about the 9th of January, 1323, at theage of seventy.

Such is the life of this celebrated traveller, whose narrative had amarked influence on the progress of geographical science. He wasgifted with great power of observation, and could see and describeequally well; and all later explorers have confirmed the truth ofhis statements. Until the middle of the eighteenth century, thedocuments founded on this narrative formed the basis of geographicalbooks, and were used as a guide in commercial expeditions to China,India, and Central Asia. Posterity will concur in the suitability ofthe title that the first copyists gave to Marco Polo's work, that of"The Book of the Wonders of the World."

CHAPTER V.

Ibn Batuta—The Nile—Gaza, Tyre, Tiberias, Libanus, Baalbec,Damascus, Meshid, Bussorah, Baghdad, Tabriz, Mecca andMedina—Yemen—Abyssinia—The country of theBerbers—Zanguebar—Ormuz—Syria—Anatolia—AsiaMinor—Astrakhan—Constantinople—Turkestan—Herat—TheIndus—Delhi—Malabar—The Maldives—Ceylon—The Coromandelcoast—Bengal—The Nicobar Islands—Sumatra—China—Africa—TheNiger—Timbuctoo.

Marco Polo had returned to his native land now nearly twenty-fiveyears, when a Franciscan monk traversed the whole of Asia, from theBlack Sea to the extreme limits of China, passing by Trebizond,Mount Ararat, Babel, and the island of Java; but he was so credulousof all that was told him, and his narrative is so confused, that butlittle reliance can be placed upon it. It is the same with thefabulous travels of Jean de Mandeville. Cooley says of them, "Theyare so utterly untrue, that they have not their parallel in anylanguage."

But we find a worthy successor to the Venetian traveller in anArabian theologian, named Abdallah El Lawati, better known by thename of Ibn Batuta. He did for Egypt, Arabia, Anatolia, Tartary,India, China, Bengal, and Soudan, what Marco Polo had done forCentral Asia, and he is worthy to be placed in the foremost rank asa brave traveller and bold explorer. In the year 1324, the 725thyear of the Hegira, he resolved to make a pilgrimage to Mecca, andstarting from Tangier, his native town, he went first to Alexandria,and thence to Cairo. During his stay in Egypt he turned hisattention to the Nile, and especially to the Delta; then he tried tosail up the river, but being stopped by disturbances on the Nubianfrontier, he was obliged to return to the mouth of the river, andthen set sail for Asia Minor.

Ibn Batuta in Egypt.

After visiting Gaza, the tombs of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, Tyre,then strongly fortified and unassailable on three sides, andTiberias, which was in ruins, and whose celebrated baths werecompletely destroyed, Ibn Batuta was attracted by the wonders ofLebanon, the centre for all the hermits of that day, who hadjudiciously chosen one of the most lovely spots in the whole worldwherein to end their days. Then passing Baalbec, and going on toDamascus, he found the city (in the year 1345) decimated by theplague. This fearful scourge devoured "24,000 persons daily," if wemay believe his report, and Damascus would have been depopulated,had not the prayers of all the people offered up in the mosquecontaining the stone with the print of Moses' foot upon it, beenheard and answered. On leaving Damascus, Ibn Batuta went to Mesjid,where he visited the tomb of Ali, which attracts a large number ofparalytic pilgrims who need only to spend one night in prayer besideit, to be completely cured. Batuta does not seem to doubt theauthenticity of this miracle, well known in the East under the titleof "the Night of Cure."

From Mesjid, the traveller went to Bussorah, and entered the kingdomof Ispahan, and then the province of Shiraz, where he wished toconverse with the celebrated worker of miracles, Magd Oddin. FromShiraz he went to Baghdad, to Tabriz, then to Medina, where heprayed beside the tomb of the Prophet, and finally to Mecca, wherehe remained three years. It is well known that from Mecca, caravansare continually starting for the surrounding country, and it was incompany with some of these bold merchants that Ibn Batuta was ableto visit the towns of Yemen. He went as far as Aden, at the mouth ofthe Red Sea, and embarked for Zaila, one of the Abyssinian ports. Hewas now once more on African ground, and advanced into the countryof the Berbers, that he might study the manners and customs of thosedirty and repulsive tribes; he found their diet consisted wholly offish and camels' flesh. But in the town of Makdasbu, there was anattempt at comfort and civilization, presenting a most agreeablecontrast with the surrounding squalor. The inhabitants were very fat,each of them, to use Ibn's own expression, "eating enough to feed aconvent;" they were very fond of delicacies, such as plantainsboiled in milk, preserved citrons, pods of fresh pepper, and greenginger.

After seeing all he wished of the country of the Berbers, chiefly onthe coast, he resolved to go to Zanguebar, and then, crossing theRed Sea and following the coast of Arabia, he came to Zafar, a townsituated upon the Indian Ocean. The vegetation of this country ismost luxuriant, the betel, cocoa-nut, and incense-trees formingthere great forests; still the traveller pushed on, and came toOrmuz on the Persian Gulf, and passed through several provinces ofPersia. We find him a second time at Mecca in the year 1332, threeyears after he had left it.

But this was only to be a short rest for the traveller, for now,leaving Asia for Africa, he went to Upper Egypt, a region but littleknown, and thence to Cairo. He next visited Syria, making a shortstay at Jerusalem and Tripoli, and thence he visited the Turkomansof Anatolia, where the "confraternity of young men" gave him a mosthearty welcome.

After Anatolia, the Arabian narrative speaks of Asia Minor. IbnBatuta advanced as far as Erzeroum, where he was shown an aeroliteweighing 620 pounds. Then, crossing the Black Sea, he visited theCrimea, Kaffa, and Bulgar, a town of sufficiently high latitude forthe unequal length of day and night to be very marked; and at lasthe reached Astrakhan, at the mouth of the Volga, where the Khan ofTartary lived during the winter months.

The Princess Bailun, the wife of the khan, and daughter of theEmperor of Constantinople, was wishing to visit her father, and itwas an opportunity not to be lost by Ibn Batuta for exploring Turkeyin Europe; he gained permission to accompany the princess, who setout attended by 5000 men, and followed by a portable mosque, whichwas set up at every place where they stayed. The princess'sreception at Constantinople was very magnificent, the bells beingrung with such spirit that he says, "even the horizon seemed full ofthe vibration."

The welcome given to the theologian by the princes of the countrywas worthy of his fame; he remained in the city thirty-six days, sothat he was able to study it in all its details.

This was a time when communication between the different countrieswas both dangerous and difficult, and Ibn Batuta was considered avery bold traveller. Egypt, Arabia, Turkey in Asia, the Caucasianprovinces had all in turn been explored by him. After such hard workhe might well have taken rest and been satisfied with the laurelsthat he had gained, for he was without doubt the most celebratedtraveller of the fourteenth century; but his insatiable passion fortravelling remained, and the circle of his explorations was still towiden considerably.

On leaving Constantinople, Ibn Batuta went again to Astrakhan,thence crossing the sandy wastes of the present Turkestan, hearrived at Khovarezen, a large populous town, then at Bokhara, halfdestroyed by the armies of Gengis-Khan. Some time after we hear ofhim at Samarcand, a religious town which greatly pleased the learnedtraveller, and then at Balkh which he could not reach withoutcrossing the desert of Khorassan. This town was all in ruins anddesolate, for the armies of the barbarians had been there, and IbnBatuta could not remain in it, but wished to go westward to thefrontier of Afghanistan. The mountainous country, near the HindooKoosh range, confronted him, but this was no barrier to him, andafter great fatigue, which he bore with equal patience andgood-humour, he reached the important town of Herat. This was themost westerly point reached by the traveller; he now resolved tochange his course for an easterly one, and in going to the extremelimits of Asia, to reach the shores of the Pacific: if he couldsucceed in this he would pass the bounds of the explorations of thecelebrated Marco Polo.

He set out, and following the course of the river Kabul and thefrontiers of Afghanistan, he came to the Sindhu, the modern Indus,and descended it to its mouth. From the town of Lahore, he went toDelhi, which great and beautiful city had been deserted by itsinhabitants, who had fled from the Emperor Mohammed.

This tyrant, who was occasionally both generous and magnificent,received the Arabian traveller very well, made him a judge in Delhi,and gave him a grant of land with some pecuniary advantages thatwere attached to the post, but these honours were not to be of anylong duration, for Ibn Batuta being implicated in a pretendedconspiracy, thought it best to give up his place, and make himself afakir to escape the Emperor's displeasure. Mohammed, however,pardoned him, and made him his ambassador to China.

Fortune again smiled upon the courageous traveller, and he had nowthe prospect of seeing these distant lands under exceptionally goodand safe circ*mstances. He was charged with presents for the Emperorof China, and 2000 horse-soldiers were given him as an escort.

But Ibn Batuta had not thought of the insurgents who occupied thesurrounding countries; a skirmish took place between the escort andthe Hindoos, and the traveller, being separated from his companions,was taken prisoner, robbed, garotted, and carried off he knew notwhither; but his courage and hopefulness did not forsake him, and hecontrived to escape from the hands of these robbers. After wanderingabout for seven days, he was received into his house by a negro, whoat length led him back to the emperor's palace at Delhi.

Mohammed fitted out another expedition, and again appointed theArabian traveller as his ambassador. This time they passed throughthe enemy's country without molestation, and by way of Kanoje, Mersa,Gwalior, and Barun, they reached Malabar. Some time after, theyarrived at the great port of Calicut, an important place whichbecame afterwards the chief town of Malabar; here they were detainedby contrary winds for three months, and made use of this time tostudy the Chinese mercantile marine which frequented this port. Ibnspeaks with great admiration of these junks which are like floatinggardens, where ginger and herbs are grown on deck; they are eachlike a separate village, and some merchants were the possessors of agreat number of these junks.

At last the wind changed; Ibn Batuta chose a small junk well fittedup, to take him to China, and had all his property put on board.Thirteen other junks were to receive the presents sent by the Kingof Delhi to the Emperor of China, but during the night a violentstorm arose, and all the vessels sank. Fortunately for Ibn he hadremained on shore to attend the service at the mosque, and thus hispiety saved his life, but he had lost everything except "the carpetwhich he used at his devotions." After this second misfortune hecould not make up his mind to appear before the King of Delhi. Thiscatastrophe was enough to weary the patience of a morelong-suffering emperor than Mohammed.

Ibn soon made up his mind what to do. Leaving the service of theemperor, and the advantages attaching to the post of ambassador, heembarked for the Maldive Islands, which were governed by a woman,and where a large trade in cocoa was carried on. Here he was againmade a judge, but this was only of short duration, for the vizierbecame jealous of his success, and, after marrying three wives, Ibnwas obliged to take refuge in flight. He hoped to reach theCoromandel coast, but contrary winds drove his vessel towards Ceylon,where he was very well received, and gained the king's permission toclimb the sacred mountain of Serendid, or Adam's Peak. His objectwas to see the wonderful impression of a foot at the summit, whichthe Hindoos call "Buddha's," and the Mahometans "Adam's, foot." Hepretends, in his narrative, that this impression measures elevenhands in length, a very different account from that of an historianof the ninth century, who declared it to be seventy-nine cubitslong! This historian also adds that while one of the feet of ourforefather rested on the mountain, the other was in the Indian ocean.

Ibn Batuta speaks also of large bearded apes, forming a considerableitem in the population of the island, and said to be under a king oftheir own, crowned with leaves. We can give what credit we like tosuch fables as these, which were propagated by the credulity of theHindoos.

From Ceylon, the traveller made his way to the Coromandel coast, butnot without experiencing some severe storms. He crossed to the otherside of the Indian peninsula, and again embarked.

Ibn Batuta's vessel was seized by pirates.

But his vessel was seized by pirates, and Ibn Batuta arrived atCalicut almost without clothes, robbed, and worn out with fatigue.No misfortune could damp his ardour, his was one of those greatspirits which seem only invigorated by trouble and disasters. Assoon as he was enabled by the kindness of some Delhi merchants toresume his travels, he embarked for the Maldive Islands, went on toBengal, there set sail for Sumatra, and disembarked at one of theNicobar Islands after a very bad passage which had lasted fifty days.Fifteen days afterwards he arrived at Sumatra, where the king gavehim a hearty welcome and furnished him with means to continue hisjourney to China.

A junk took him in seventy-one days to the port Kailuka, capital ofa country somewhat problematical, of which the brave and handsomeinhabitants excelled in making arms. From Kailuka, Ibn passed intothe Chinese provinces, and went first to the splendid town of Zaitem,probably the present Tsieun-tcheou of the Chinese, a little to thenorth of Nankin. He passed through various cities of this greatempire, studying the customs of the people and admiring everywherethe riches, industry, and civilization that he found, but he did notget as far as the Great Wall, which he calls "The obstacle of Gogand Magog." It was while he was exploring this immense tract ofcountry that he made a short stay in the city of Tchensi, which iscomposed of six fortified towns standing together. It happened thatduring his wanderings he was able to be present at the funeral of akhan, who was buried with four slaves, six of his favourites, andfour horses.

In the meanwhile, disturbances had occurred at Zaitem, which obligedIbn to leave this town, so he set sail for Sumatra, and then aftertouching at Calicut and Ormuz, he returned to Mecca in 1348, havingmade the tour of Persia and Syria.

But the time of rest had not yet come for this indefatigableexplorer; the following year he revisited his native place Tangier,and then after travelling in the southern countries of Europe hereturned to Morocco, went to Soudan and the countries watered by theNiger, crossed the Great Desert and entered Timbuctoo, thus making ajourney which would have rendered illustrious a less ambitioustraveller.

This was to be his last expedition. In 1353, twenty-nine years afterleaving Tangier for the first time, he returned to Morocco, andsettled at Fez. He has earned the reputation of being the mostintrepid explorer of the fourteenth century, and well merits to beranked next after Marco Polo, the illustrious Venetian.

CHAPTER VI.

The Norman cavalier—His ideas of conquest—What was known ofthe Canary Islands—Cadiz—The Canary Archipelago—Graciosa—Lancerota—Fortaventura—Jeande Béthencourt returns to Spain—Revolt of Berneval—His interviewwith King Henry III.—Gadifervisits the Canary Archipelago—Canary Island or "Gran Canaria"—FerroIsland—Palma Island.

Jean de Béthencourt was born about the year 1339, at Eu in Normandy.He was of good family, and Baron of St. Martin-le-Gaillard, and haddistinguished himself both as a navigator and warrior; he was madechamberlain to Charles VI. But his tastes were more for travellingthan a life at court; he resolved to make himself a still moreillustrious name by further conquests, and soon an opportunityoffered for him to carry out his plans.

Jean de Béthencourt.

On the coast of Africa there is a group of islands called theCanaries, which were once known as the Fortunate Islands. Juba, ason of one of the Numidian kings, is said to have been their firstexplorer, about the year of Rome 776. In the middle ages, accordingto some accounts, Arabs, Genoese, Portuguese, Spaniards, andBiscayans, had partially visited this interesting group of islands.In 1393, a Spanish gentleman named Almonaster, who was commanding anexpedition, succeeded in landing on Lancerota, one of these islands,and brought back, with several prisoners, some produce which was asufficient guarantee of the fertility of this archipelago.

The Norman cavalier now found the opening that he sought, and hedetermined to conquer the Canary Islands and try to convert theinhabitants to the Catholic faith. He was as intelligent, brave, andfull of resources as he was energetic; and leaving his house ofGrainville-la-Teinturière at Caux, he went to La Rochelle, where hemet the Chevalier Gadifer de la Salle, and having explained hisproject to him, they decided to go to the Canary Islands together.Jean de Béthencourt having collected an army and made hispreparations, and had vessels fitted out and manned, Gadifer and heset sail; after experiencing adverse winds on the way to the Ile deRé, and being much harassed by the constant dissensions on board,they arrived at Vivero, and then at Corunna. Here they remainedeight days, then set sail again, and doubling Cape Finisterre,followed the Portuguese coast to Cape St. Vincent, and arrived atCadiz, where they made a longer stay. Here Béthencourt had a disputewith some Genoese merchants, who accused him of having taken theirvessel, and he had to go to Seville, where King Henry III. heard hiscomplaint and acquitted him from all blame. On his return to Cadizhe found part of his crew in open mutiny, and some of his sailors sofrightened that they refused to continue the voyage, so thechevalier sent back the cowardly sailors, and set sail with thosewho were more courageous.

The vessel in which Jean de Béthencourt sailed was becalmed forthree days, then, the weather improving, he reached the island ofGraziosa, one of the smaller of the Canary group, in five days, andthen the larger island of Lancerota, which is nearly the same sizeas the island of Rhodes. Lancerota has excellent pasturage, andarable land, which is particularly good for the cultivation ofbarley; its numerous fountains and cisterns are well supplied withexcellent water. The orchilla, which is so much used in dyeing,grows abundantly here. The inhabitants of this island, who as a rulewear scarce any clothing, are tall and well-made, and the women, whowear leathern great-coats reaching to the ground, are verygood-looking and honest.

The traveller, prior to disclosing his plans of conquest, wished topossess himself of some of the natives, but his ignorance of thecountry made this a difficult matter, so, anchoring under theshelter of a small island in the archipelago, he called a meeting ofhis companions to decide upon a plan of action. They all agreed thatthe only thing to be done was to take some of the natives by fairmeans or foul. Guardafia, the king of the island, treatedBéthencourt more as a friend than a subject. A castle or rather fortwas built at the south-western extremity of the island, and some menleft there under the command of Berthin de Berneval, whileBéthencourt set out with the rest of his followers for the island ofErbania or Fortaventura. Gadifer counselled a debarcation by night,which was done, and then he took the command of a small body of menand scoured the island with them for eight days without meeting onenative, they having all fled to the mountains. Provisions failing,Gadifer was forced to return, and he went to the island of Lobosbetween Lancerota and Fortaventura; but there his chief sailormutinied and it was not without difficulty that Gadifer andBéthencourt reached the fort on Lancerota.

Béthencourt resolved to return to Spain to get provisions and a newcontingent of soldiers, for his crew he could not depend upon; so heleft Gadifer in command and set sail for Spain in one of Gadifer'sships.

It will be remembered that Berthin de Berneval had been left incommand of the fort on Lancerota Island. Unfortunately he wasGadifer's bitter enemy, and no sooner had Béthencourt set out thanhe tried to poison the minds of Gadifer's men against him; hesucceeded in inducing some, especially the Gascons, to revoltagainst the governor, who, quite innocent of Berneval's base designs,was spending his time hunting sea-wolves on the island of Lobos withRemonnet de Levéden and several others. Remonnet having been sent toLancerota for provisions, found no Berneval there, he havingdeserted the island with his accomplices for a port on Graziosa,where a coxswain, deceived by his promises, had placed his vessel athis disposal. From Graziosa, the traitor Berneval returned toLancerota, and put the finishing stroke to his villany by pretendingto make an alliance with the king of the island. The king, thinkingthat no officer of Béthencourt's, in whom he had implicit confidence,could deceive him, came with twenty-four of his subjects to seeBerneval, who seized them when asleep, had them bound, and thencarried them off to Graziosa. The king managed to break his bonds,set three of his men free, and succeeded in escaping, but theremainder of his unfortunate companions were still prisoners, andBerneval gave them up to some Spanish thieves, who took them away tosell in a foreign land.

Berneval's evil deeds did not stop here. By his order the vesselthat Gadifer had sent to the fort at Lancerota was seized; Remonnettried resistance, but his numbers were too small, and hissupplications were useless to prevent Berneval's men, and evenBerneval himself, from destroying all the arms, furniture, and goods,which Béthencourt had placed in the fort at Lancerota. Insults wereshowered upon the governor, and Berneval cried, "I should likeGadifer de la Salle to know that if he were as young as I, I wouldkill him, but as he is not, I will spare him. If he is put above meI shall have him drowned, and then he can fish for sea-wolves."

Meanwhile, Gadifer and his ten companions were in danger ofperishing on the island of Lobos for want of food and fresh water,but happily the two chaplains of the fort of Lancerota had gone toGraziosa, and met the coxswain, who had been the victim ofBerneval's treason, and he sent one of his men named Ximenes withthem back to Lancerota. There they found a small boat which theyfilled with provisions, and embarking with four men who werefaithful to Gadifer, they succeeded in reaching Lobos, four leaguesoff, after a most dangerous passage.

Gadifer and his companions were suffering fearfully from hunger andthirst, when Ximenes arrived just in time to save them fromperishing, and the governor learning Berneval's treachery embarkedin the boat for Lancerota, as soon as he was a little restored tohealth. He was grieved at Berneval's conduct towards the poorislanders whom Béthencourt and he had sworn to protect. No! he nevercould have expected such wickedness in one who was looked upon asthe most able of the whole band.

But what was Berneval doing meanwhile? After having betrayed hismaster, he did the same to the companions who had aided him in hisevil deeds; he had twelve of them killed and then he set out forSpain to rejoin Béthencourt and make his own case good byrepresenting all that had happened in his own way. It was to hisinterest to get rid of inconvenient witnesses, and therefore heabandoned his companions. These unfortunate men at first meditatedimploring the pardon of the governor; they confessed all to thechaplains, but then, fearing the consequences of their deeds, theyseized a boat and fled towards Morocco. The boat reached the coastof Barbary, where ten of the crew were drowned and the two otherstaken for slaves.

While all this was happening at Lancerota, Béthencourt arrived atCadiz, where he took strong measures against his mutinous crew, andhad the ringleaders imprisoned. Then he sent his vessel to Seville,where King Henry III. was at that time; but the ship sank in theGuadalquiver, a great loss to Gadifer, her owner.

Béthencourt having arrived at Seville, met a certain FrancisqueCalve who had lately come from the Canaries, and who offered toreturn thither with all the things needed by the governor, butBéthencourt could not agree to this proposal before he had seen theking.

Just at this time, Berneval arrived with some of his accomplices,and some islanders whom he intended to sell as slaves. He hoped tobe able to deceive Béthencourt, but he had not reckoned upon acertain Courtille who was with him, who lost no time in denouncingthe villany of Berneval, and on whose word the traitors were allimprisoned at Cadiz. Courtille also told of the treatment that thepoor islanders had received; as Béthencourt could not leave Sevilletill he had had an audience with the king, he gave orders that theyshould receive every kindness, but while these preliminaries werebeing concluded, the vessel that contained them was taken to Aragon,and they were sold for slaves.

Béthencourt obtained the audience that he sought with the king ofCastille, and after telling him the result of his expedition he said,"Sire, I come to ask your assistance and your leave to conquer theCanary Islands for the Catholic faith, and as you are king and lordof all the surrounding country, and the nearest Christian king tothese islands, I beg you to receive the homage of your humbleservant." The king was very gracious to him and gave him dominionover these islands, and beyond this, a fifth of all the merchandisethat should be brought from them to Spain. He gave him 20,000maravédis, about 600l., to buy all that he needed, and also theright to coin money in the Canary Islands. Most unfortunately these20,000 maravédis were confided to the care of a dishonest man, whofled to France, carrying the money with him.

However, Henry III. gave Béthencourt a well-rigged vessel manned byeighty men, and stocked with provisions, arms, &c. He was mostgrateful for this fresh bounty, and sent Gadifer an account of allthat had happened, and his extreme disappointment and disgust atBerneval's conduct, in whom he had so much confidence, announcing atthe same time the speedy departure of the vessel given by the Kingof Castille.

Plan of Jerusalem.

But meanwhile very serious troubles had arisen on Lancerota. KingGuardafia was so hurt at Berneval's conduct that he had revolted,and some of Gadifer's companions had been killed by the islanders.Gadifer insisted upon these subjects being punished, when one of theking's relations named Ache, came to him proposing to dethrone theking, and put himself in his place. This Ache was a villain, whoafter having betrayed his king, proposed to betray the Normans, andto chase them from the country. Gadifer had no suspicion of hismotives; wishing to avenge the death of his men, he accepted Ache'sproposal, and a short time afterwards, on the vigil of St.Catherine's day, the king was seized, and conveyed to the fort inchains.

Some days afterwards, Ache, the new king of the island attackedGadifer's companions, mortally wounding several of them, but thefollowing night Guardafia having made his escape from the fortseized Ache, had him stoned to death, and his body burnt. Thegovernor (Gadifer) was so grieved by these scenes of violence, whichwere renewed daily, that he resolved to kill all the men on theisland, and save only the women and children, whom he hoped to havebaptized. But just at this time, the vessel that Béthencourt hadfreighted for the governor arrived, and brought besides the eightymen, provisions, &c., a letter which told him among other thingsthat Béthencourt had done homage to the King of Castille for theCanary Islands. The governor was not well pleased at this news, forhe thought that he ought to have had his share in the islands; buthe concealed his displeasure, and gave the new comers a heartywelcome.

The arms were at once disembarked, and then Gadifer went on boardthe vessel to explore the neighbouring islands. Remonnet and severalothers joined him in this expedition, and they took two of theislanders with them to serve as guides.

They arrived safely at Fortaventura island; a few days after landingon the island, Gadifer set out with thirty-five men to explore thecountry; but soon the greater part of his followers deserted him,only thirteen men, including two archers, remaining with him. But hedid not give up his project; after wading through a large stream, hefound himself in a lovely valley shaded by numberless palm-trees;here having rested and refreshed himself, he set out again andclimbed a hill. At the summit he found about fifty natives, whosurrounded the small party and threatened to murder them. Gadiferand his companions showed no signs of fear, and succeeded in puttingtheir enemies to flight; by the evening they were able to regaintheir vessel, carrying away four of the native women as prisoners.

Gadifer found himself in a lovely valley.

The next day Gadifer left the island and went to the Gran Canariaisland anchoring in a large harbour lying between Telde and Argonney.Five hundred of the natives confronted them, but apparently with nohostile intentions; they gave them some fish-hooks and old iron inexchange for some of the natural productions of the island, such asfigs, and dragon's blood, a resinous substance taken from thedragon-tree, which has a very pleasant balsamic odour. The nativeswere very much on their guard with the strangers, for twenty yearsbefore this some of Captain Lopez' men had invaded the island; sothey would not allow Gadifer to land.

The governor was obliged to weigh anchor without exploring theisland; he went to Ferro Island, and coasting along it arrived nextat Gomera; it was night, and the sailors were attracted by the firesthat the natives had lighted on the shore. When day broke Gadiferand his companions wished to land; but the islanders would not allowthem to proceed when they reached the shore, and drove them back totheir vessel. Much disappointed by his reception, Gadifer determinedto make another attempt at Ferro Island; there he found that hecould land without opposition, and he remained on the islandtwenty-two days. The interior of the island was very beautiful.Pine-trees grew in abundance, and clear streams of water added toits fertility. Quails were found in large numbers, as well as pigs,goats, and sheep.

From this fertile island the party of explorers went to Palma, andanchored in a harbour situated to the right of a large river. Thisis the furthest island of the Canary group; it is covered with pineand dragon-trees; from the abundance of fresh water the pasturage isexcellent and the land might be cultivated with much profit. Itsinhabitants are a tall, robust race, well made, with good featuresand very white skin. Gadifer remained a short time on this island;on leaving it he spent two days and two nights sailing round theother islands, and then returned to the fort on Lancerota. They hadbeen absent three months. In the meantime, those of the party whohad been left in the fort had waged a petty war with the natives,and had made a great number of prisoners. The Canarians, demoralized,now came daily to cast themselves on their mercy, and to pray forthe consecration of baptism. Gadifer was so pleased to hear of this,that he sent one of his companions to Spain to inform Béthencourt ofthe state of the colony.

The return of Jean de Béthencourt—Gadifer's jealousy—Béthencourtvisits his archipelago—Gadifer goes to conquer Gran Canaria—Disagreementof the two commanders—Their return to Spain—Gadiferblamed by the King—Return of Béthencourt—The natives ofFortaventura are baptized—Béthencourt revisits Caux—Returns toLancerota—Lands on the African coast—Conquest of Gran Canaria,Ferro, and Palma Islands—Maciot appointed Governor of thearchipelago—Béthencourt obtains the Pope's consent to the CanaryIslands being made an Episcopal See—His return to his country andhis death.

The envoy had not reached Cadiz when Béthencourt landed at the forton Lancerota. Gadifer gave him a hearty welcome, and so did theCanary islanders who had been baptized. A few days afterwards, KingGuardafia came and threw himself on their mercy. He was baptized onthe 20th of February, 1404, with all his followers. Béthencourt'schaplains drew up a very simple form of instruction for their use,embracing the principal elements of Christianity, the creation, Adamand Eve's fall, the history of Noah, the lives of the patriarchs,the life of our Saviour and His crucifixion by the Jews, finishingwith an exhortation to believe the ten commandments, the HolySacrament of the Altar, Easter, confession, and some other points.

Béthencourt was an ambitious man. Not content with having explored,and so to speak, gained possession of the Canary Islands, he desiredto conquer the African countries bordering on the ocean. This washis secret wish in returning to Lancerota, and meanwhile, he hadfull occupation in establishing his authority in these islands, ofwhich he was only the nominal sovereign. He gave himself wholly tothe task, and first visited the islands which Gadifer had explored.

But before he set out, a conversation took place between Gadifer andhimself, which we must not omit to notice. Gadifer began boasting ofall he had done, and asked for the gift of Fortaventura, Teneriffe,and Gomera Islands, as a recompense.

"My friend," replied Béthencourt, "the islands that you ask me togive you are not yet conquered, but I do not intend you to be at anyloss for your trouble, nor that you should be unrequited; but let usaccomplish our project, and meanwhile remain the friends we havealways been."

"That is all very well," replied Gadifer, "but there is one point onwhich I do not feel at all satisfied, and that is that you have donehomage to the King of Castille for these islands, and so you callyourself absolute master over them."

"With regard to that," said Béthencourt, "I certainly have donehomage for them, and so I am their rightful master, but if you willonly patiently wait the end of our affair, I will give you what Ifeel sure will quite content you."

"I shall not remain here," replied Gadifer, "I am going back toFrance, and have no wish to be here any longer."

Upon this they separated, but Gadifer gradually cooled down andagreed to accompany Béthencourt in his exploration of the islands.

They set out for Fortaventura well armed and with plenty ofprovisions. They remained there three months, and began by seizing anumber of the natives, and sending them to Lancerota. This was sucha usual mode of proceeding at that time that we are less surprisedat it than we should be at the present day. The whole island wasexplored and a fort named Richeroque built on the slope of a highmountain; traces of it may still be found in a hamlet there.

Just at this time, and when he had scarcely had time to forget hisgrievances and ill-humour, Gadifer accepted the command of a smallband of men who were to conquer Gran Canaria.

He set out on the 25th July, 1404, but this expedition was not fatedto meet with any good results, winds and waves were against it. Atlast they reached the port of Telde, but as it was nearly dark and astrong wind blowing they dared not land, and they went on to thelittle town of Aginmez, where they remained eleven days at anchor;the natives, encouraged by their king, laid an ambush for Gadiferand his followers; there was a skirmish, blood was shed, and theCastilians, feeling themselves outnumbered, went to Telde for twodays, and thence to Lancerota.

Gadifer was much disappointed at his want of success, and began tobe discontented with everything around him. Above all, his jealousyof Béthencourt increased daily, and he gave way to violentrecriminations, saying openly that the chief had not done everythinghimself, and that things would not have been in so advanced a stageas they were if others had not aided him. This reached Béthencourt'sears; he was much incensed, and reproached Gadifer. High wordsfollowed, Gadifer insisted upon leaving the country, and asBéthencourt had just made arrangements for returning to Spain, heproposed to Gadifer to accompany him, that their cause ofdisagreement might be inquired into. This proposal being accepted,they set sail, but each in his own ship. When they reached Seville,Gadifer laid his complaints before the king, but as the king gavejudgment against him, fully approving of Béthencourt's conduct, heleft Spain, and returning to France, never revisited the CanaryIslands which he had so fondly hoped to conquer for himself.

Béthencourt took leave of the king almost at the same time, for thenew colony demanded his immediate presence there; but before he left,the inhabitants of Seville, with whom he was a great favourite,showed him much kindness; what he valued more highly than anythingelse was the supply of arms, gold, silver, and provisions that theygave him. He went to Fortaventura, where his companions weredelighted to see him. Gadifer had left his son Hannibal in his place,but Béthencourt treated him with much cordiality.

The first days of the installation of Béthencourt were far frompeaceful; skirmishes were of constant occurrence, the natives evendestroying the fortress of Richeroque, after burning and pillaging achapel. Béthencourt was determined to overcome them, and in the endsucceeded. He sent for several of his men from Lancerota, and gaveorders that the fortress should be rebuilt.

In spite of all this the combats began again, and many of theislanders fell, among others a giant of nine feet high, whomBéthencourt would have liked to have made prisoner. The governorcould not trust Gadifer's son nor the men who followed him, forHannibal seemed to have inherited his father's jealousy, but asBéthencourt needed his help, he concealed his distrust. Happily,Béthencourt's men outnumbered those who were faithful to Gadifer,but Hannibal's taunts became so unbearable that Jean de Courtois wassent to remind him of his oath of obedience and to advise him tokeep it.

Courtois was very badly received, he having a crow to pick withHannibal with regard to some native prisoners whom Gadifer'sfollowers had kept and would not give up. Hannibal was obliged toobey the orders, but Courtois represented his conduct to Béthencourton his return in the very worst light, and tried to excite hismaster's anger against him. "No, sir," answered the uprightBéthencourt, "I do not wish him to be wronged, we must never carryour power to its utmost limits, we should always endeavour tocontrol ourselves and preserve our honour rather than seek forprofit."

In spite of these intestine discords, the war continued between thenatives and the conquerors, but the latter being well-armed alwayscame off victorious. The kings of Fortaventura sent a native toBéthencourt saying that they wished to make peace with him, and tobecome Christians. This news delighted the conqueror, and he sentword that they would be well received if they would come to him.Almost immediately on receiving this reply, King Maxorata, whogoverned the north-westerly part of the island, set out, and withhis suite of twenty-two persons, was baptized on the 18th of January,1405. Three days afterwards twenty-two other natives received thesacrament of baptism. On the 25th of January the king who governedthe peninsula of Handia, the south-eastern part of the island, camewith twenty-six of his subjects, and was baptized. In a short timeall the inhabitants of Fortaventura had embraced the Christianreligion.

The King of Maxorata arrived with his suite.

Béthencourt was so elated with these happy results, that he arrangedto revisit his own country, leaving Courtois as governor during hisabsence. He set out on the last day of January amid the prayers andblessings of his people, taking with him three native men and onewoman, to whom he wished to show something of France. He reachedHarfleur in twenty-one days, and two days later was at his own house,where he only intended making a short stay, and then returning tothe Canary Islands. He met with a very warm reception from everybody.One of his chief motives in returning to France was the hope offinding people of all classes ready to return with him, on thepromise of grants of land in the island. He succeeded in finding acertain number of emigrants, amongst whom were twenty-eight soldiers,of whom twenty-three took their wives. Two vessels were prepared totransport the party, and the 6th of May was the day named for themto set out. On the 9th of May they set sail, and landed on Lancerotajust four mouths and a half after Béthencourt had quitted it.

He was received with trumpets, clarionets, tambourines, harps, andother musical instruments. Thunder could scarcely have been heardabove the sound of this music. The natives celebrated his return bydancing and singing, and crying out, "Here comes our king." Jean deCourtois hastened to welcome his master, who asked him howeverything was going on; he replied, "Sir, all is going on as wellas possible."

Béthencourt's companions stayed with him at the fort of Lancerota;they appeared much pleased with the country, enjoying the dates andother fruits on the island, "and nothing seemed to harm them." Afterthey had been a short time at Lancerota, Béthencourt went with themto see Fortaventura, and here his reception was as warm as it hadbeen at Lancerota, especially from the islanders and their two kings.The kings supped with them at the fortress of Richeroque, whichCourtois had rebuilt.

Béthencourt announced his intention of conquering Gran CanariaIsland, as he had done Lancerota and Fortaventura; his hope was thathis nephew Maciot, whom he had brought with him from France, wouldsucceed him in the government of these islands, so that the name ofBéthencourt might be perpetuated there. He imparted his project toCourtois, who highly approved of it, and added, "Sir, when youreturn to France, I will go with you. I am a bad husband. It is fiveyears since I saw my wife, and, by my troth, she did not much careabout it."

The 6th of October, 1405, was the day fixed for starting for GranCanaria, but contrary winds carried the ships towards the Africancoast, and they passed by Cape Bojador, where Béthencourt landed. Hemade an expedition twenty-four miles inland, and seized some nativesand a great number of camels that he took to his vessels. They putas many of the camels as possible on board, wishing to acclimatizethem in the Canary Islands, and the baron set sail again, leavingCape Bojador, which he had the honour of seeing thirty years beforethe Portuguese navigators.

During this voyage from the coast of Africa to Gran Canaria, thethree vessels were separated in stormy weather, one going to Palma,and another to Fortaventura, but finally they all reached GranCanaria. This island is sixty miles long and thirty-six miles broad;at the northern end it is flat, but very hilly towards the south.Firs, dragon-trees, olive, fig, and date-trees form large forests,and sheep, goats, and wild dogs are found here in large numbers. Thesoil is very fertile, and produces two crops of corn every year, andthat without any means of improving it. Its inhabitants form a largebody of people, and consider themselves all on an equality.

When Béthencourt had landed he set to work at once to conquer theisland. Unfortunately his Norman soldiers were so proud of theirsuccess on the coast of Africa, that they thought they could conquerthis island with its ten thousand natives, with a mere handful ofmen. Béthencourt seeing that they were so confident of success,recommended them to be prudent, but they took no heed of this andbitterly they rued their confidence. After a skirmish, in which theyseemed to have got the better of the islanders, they had left theirranks, when the natives surprised them, massacring twenty-two ofthem, including Jean de Courtois and Hannibal, Gadifer's son.

After this sad affair Béthencourt left Gran Canaria and went to tryto subdue Palma. The natives of this island were very clever inslinging stones, rarely missing their aim, and in the encounterswith these islanders many fell on both sides, but more natives thanNormans, whose loss, however, amounted to one hundred.

After six weeks of skirmishing, Béthencourt left Palma, and went toFerro for three months, a large island twenty-one miles long andfifteen broad. It is a flat table-land, and large woods of pine andlaurel-trees shade it in many places. The mists, which are frequent,moisten the soil and make it especially favourable for thecultivation of corn and the vine. Game is abundant; pigs, goats, andsheep run wild about the country; there are also great lizards inshape like the iguana of America. The inhabitants both men and womenare a very fine race, healthy, lively, agile and particularly wellmade, in fact Ferro is one of the pleasantest islands of the group.

Béthencourt returned to Fortaventura with his ships after conqueringFerro and Palma. This island is fifty-one miles in length bytwenty-four in breadth, and has high mountains as well as largeplains, but its surface is less undulating than that of the otherislands. Large streams of fresh water run through the island; theeuphorbia, a deadly poison, grows largely here, and date andolive-trees are abundant, as well as a plant that is invaluable fordyeing and whose cultivation would be most remunerative. The coastof Fortaventura has no good harbours for large vessels, but smallones can anchor there quite safely. It was in this island thatBéthencourt began to make a partition of land to the colonists, andhe succeeded in doing it so evenly that every one was satisfied withhis portion. Those colonists whom he had brought with him were to beexempted from taxes for nine years.

The question of religion, and religious administration could notfail to be of the deepest interest to so pious a man as Béthencourt,so he resolved to go to Rome and try to obtain a bishop for thiscountry, who "would order and adorn the Roman Catholic faith."Before setting out he appointed his nephew Maciot as lieutenant andgovernor of the islands. Under his orders two sergeants were to act,and enforce justice; he desired that twice a year news of the colonyshould be sent to him in Normandy, and the revenue from Lancerotaand Fortaventura was to be devoted to building two churches. He saidto his nephew Maciot, "I give you full authority in everything to dowhatever you think best, and I believe you will do all for my honourand to my advantage. Follow as nearly as possible Norman and Frenchcustoms, especially in the administration of justice. Above allthings, try and keep peace and unity among yourselves, and care foreach other as brothers, and specially try that there shall be norivalry among the gentlemen; I have given to each one his share andthe country is quite large enough for each to have his own sphere. Ican tell you nothing further beyond again impressing the importanceof your all living as good friends together, and then all will bewell."

Béthencourt remained three months in Fortaventura and the otherislands. He rode about among the people on his mule, and found manyof the natives beginning to speak Norman-French. Maciot and theother gentlemen accompanied him, he pointing out what was best to bedone and the most honest way of doing it. Then he gave notice thathe would set out for Rome on the ensuing 15th of December. Returningto Lancerota, he remained there till his departure, and ordered allthe gentlemen he had brought with him, the workmen, and the threekings to appear before him two days before his departure, to tellthem what he wished done, and to commend himself and them to God'sprotection.

None failed to appear at this meeting; they were all received at thefort on Lancerota, and sumptuously entertained. When the repast wasover, he spoke to them, especially impressing the duty of obedienceto his nephew Maciot upon them, the retention of the fifth ofeverything for himself, and also the exercise of all Christianvirtues and of fervent love to God. This done, he chose those whowere to accompany him to Rome, and prepared to set out.

His vessel had scarcely set sail when cries and groans were heard onall sides, both Europeans and natives alike regretting this justmaster, who they feared would never return to them. A great numberwaded into the water, and tried to stop the vessel that carried himaway from them, but the sails were set and Béthencourt was reallygone. "May God keep him safe from all harm," was the utterance ofmany that day. In a week he was at Seville, from thence he went toValladolid, where the king received him very graciously. He relatedthe narrative of his conquests to the king, and requested from himletters recommending him to the Pope, that he might have a bishopappointed for the islands. The king gave him the letters, and loadedhim with gifts, and then Béthencourt set out for Rome with anumerous retinue.

He remained three weeks in the eternal city, and was admitted tokiss Pope Innocent VII.'s foot, who complimented him on his havingmade so many proselytes to the Christian faith, and on his braveryin having ventured so far from his native country. When the bullswere prepared as Béthencourt had requested, and Albert des Maisonswas appointed Bishop of the Canary Islands, the Norman took leave ofthe Pope after receiving his blessing.

The new prelate took leave of Béthencourt, and set out at once forhis diocese. He went by way of Spain, taking with him some lettersfrom Béthencourt to the king. Then he set sail for Fortaventura andarrived there without any obstacle. Maciot gave him a cordialreception, and the bishop at once began to organize his diocese,governing with gentleness and courtesy, preaching now in one island,now in another, and offering up public prayers for Béthencourt'ssafety. Maciot was universally beloved, but especially by thenatives. This happy, peaceful time only lasted for five years, forlater on, Maciot began to abuse his unlimited power, and levied suchheavy exactions that he was obliged to fly the country to save hislife.

Béthencourt after leaving Rome went to Florence and to Paris, andthen to his own chateau, where a great number of people came to paytheir respects to the king of the Canary Islands, and if on hisreturn the first time he was much thought of, his reception thissecond time far exceeded it. Béthencourt established himself atGrainville; although he was an old man, his wife was still young. Hehad frequent accounts from Maciot of his beloved islands, and hehoped one day to return to his kingdom, but God willed otherwise.One day in the year 1425 he was seized with what proved to be fatalillness; he was aware that the end was near; and after making hiswill and receiving the last sacraments of the church he passed away."May God keep him and pardon his sins," says the narrative of hislife; "he is buried in the church of Grainville la Teinturière, infront of the high altar."

Jean de Béthencourt makes his will.

CHAPTER VII.

Discovery of Madeira, Cape de Verd Islands, the Azores, Congo, andGuinea—Bartholomew Diaz—Cabot and Labrador—The geographical andcommercial tendencies of the middle ages—The erroneous idea of thedistance between Europe and Asia—Birth of Christopher Columbus—Hisfirst voyages—His plans rejected—His sojourn at the Franciscanconvent—His reception by Ferdinand and Isabella—Treaty of the 17thof April, 1492—The brothers Pinzon—Three armed caravels at theport of Palos—Departure on the 3rd of August, 1492.

The year 1492 is an era in geographical annals. It is the date ofthe discovery of America. The genius of one man was fated tocomplete the terrestrial globe, and to show the truth of Gagliuffi'ssaying,—

The old world was to be entrusted with the moral and politicaleducation of the new. Was it equal to the task, with its ideas stilllimited, its tendencies still semi-barbarous, and its bitterreligious animosities? We must leave the answer to these questionsto the facts that follow.

Between the year 1405, when Béthencourt had just accomplished thecolonization of the Canary Islands, and the year 1492, what hadtaken place? We will give a short sketch of the geographicalenterprise of the intervening years. A considerable impetus had beengiven to science by the Arabs (who were soon to be expelled fromSpain), and had spread throughout the peninsula. In all the ports,but more especially in those of Portugal, there was much talk of thecontinent of Africa, and the rich and wonderful countries beyond thesea. "A thousand anecdotes," says Michelet, "stimulated curiosity,valour and avarice, every one wishing to see these mysteriouscountries where monsters abounded and gold was scattered over thesurface of the land." A young prince, Don Henry, duke of Viseu,third son of John I., who was very fond of the study of astronomyand geography, exercised a considerable influence over hiscontemporaries; it is to him that Portugal owes her colonial powerand wealth and the expeditions so repeatedly made, which werevividly described, and their results spoken of as so wonderful, thatthey may have aided in awakening Columbus' love of adventure. DonHenry had an observatory built in the southern part of the provinceof Algarve, at Sagres, commanding a most splendid view over the sea,and seeming as though it must have been placed there to seek forsome unknown land; he also established a naval college, wherelearned geographers traced correct maps and taught the use of themariner's compass. The young prince surrounded himself with learnedmen, and especially gathered all the information he could as to thepossibility of circumnavigating Africa, and thus reaching India.Though he had never taken part in any maritime expedition, hisencouragement and care for seamen gave him the soubriquet of "theNavigator," by which name he is known in history. Two gentlemenbelonging to Don Henry's court, Juan Gonzales Zarco, and TristramVaz Teixeira had passed Cape Nun, the terror of ancient navigators,when they were carried out to sea and passed near an island to whichthey gave the name of Porto-Santo. Sometime afterwards, as they weresailing towards a black point that remained on the horizon, theycame to a large island covered with splendid forests; this wasMadeira.

Prince Henry of Portugal—"The Navigator."

In 1433, Cape Bojador, which had for long been such a difficulty tonavigators, was first doubled by the two Portuguese sailors,Gillianès and Gonzalès Baldaya, who passed more than forty leaguesbeyond it.

Encouraged by their example, Antonio Gonzalès, and Nuño Tristram, in1441, sailed as far as Cape Blanco, "a feat," says Faria y Souza"that is generally looked upon as being little short of the laboursof Hercules," and they brought back with them to Lisbon somegold-dust taken from the Rio del Ouro. In a second voyage Tristramnoticed some of the Cape de Verd Islands, and went as far south asSierra Leone. In the course of this expedition, he bought from someMoors off the coast of Guinea, ten negroes, whom he took back withhim to Lisbon and parted with for a very high price, they havingexcited great curiosity. This was the origin of the slave-trade inEurope, which for the next 400 years robbed Africa of so many of herpeople, and was a disgrace to humanity.

In 1441, Cada Mosto doubled Cape Verd, and explored a part of thecoast below it. About 1446, the Portuguese, advancing further intothe open sea than their predecessors, came upon the group of theAzores. From this time all fear vanished, for the formidable linehad been passed, beyond which the air was said to scorch like fire;expeditions succeeded each other without intermission, and eachbrought home accounts of newly-discovered regions. It seemed as ifthe African continent was really endless, for the further theyadvanced towards the south, the further the cape they soughtappeared to recede. Some little time before this King John II. hadadded the title of Seigneur of Guinea to his other titles, and tothe discovery of Congo had been added that of some stars in thesouthern hemisphere hitherto unknown, when Diogo Cam, in threesuccessive voyages, went further south than any preceding navigator,and bore away from Diaz the honour of being the discoverer of thesouthern point of the African continent. This cape is called CapeCross, and here he raised a monument called a padrao or padron inmemory of his discovery, which is still standing. On his way back,he visited the King of Congo in his capital, and took back with himan ambassador and numerous suite of natives, who were all baptized,and taught the elements of the Christian religion, which they wereto propagate on their return to Congo.

A short time after Diogo Cam's return in the month of August, 1487,three caravels left the Tagus under the command of Bartholomew Diaz,a gentleman attached to the king's household, and an old sailor onthe Guinea seas. He had an experienced mariner under him, and thesmallest of the three vessels freighted with provisions, wascommanded by his brother Pedro Diaz. We have no record of theearlier part of this expedition; we only know, from Joao de Barros,to whom we owe nearly all we learn of Portuguese navigation, thatbeyond Congo he followed the coast for some distance, and came to ananchorage that he named "Das Voltas" on account of the manner inwhich he had to tack to reach it, and there he left the smallest ofthe caravels under the care of nine sailors. After having beendetained here five days by stress of weather, Diaz stood out to sea,and took a southerly course, but for thirteen days his vessels weretossed hither and thither by the tempest.

As he went further south the temperature fell and the air becamevery cold; at last the fury of the elements abated, and Diaz took aneasterly course hoping to sight the land, but after several days hadpassed, and being in about 42° south latitude, he anchored inthe bay "dos Vaquieros," so named from the numbers of horned animalsand shepherds, who fled inland at the sight of the two vessels.

At this time Diaz was about 120 miles east of the Cape of Good Hope,which he had doubled without seeing it. They then went to Sam Braz(now Mossel) bay, and coasted as far as Algoa bay and to an islandcalled Da Cruz where they set up a padrao. But here the crews beingmuch discouraged by the dangers they had passed through, and feelingmuch the scarcity and bad quality of the provisions, refused to goany farther. "Besides," they said, "as the land is now on our left,let us go back and see the Cape, which we have doubled withoutknowing it."

Diaz called a council, and decided that they should go forwards in anorth-easterly direction for two or three days longer. We owe it tohis firmness of purpose that he was able to reach a river, 75 milesfrom Da Cruz that he called Rio Infante, but then the crew refusingto go farther, Diaz was obliged to return to Europe. Barros says,"When Diaz left the pillar that he had erected, it was with suchsorrow and so much bitterness, that it seemed almost as though hewere leaving an exiled son, and especially when he thought of allthe dangers that he and his companions had passed through, and thelong distance which they had come with only this memorial as aremembrance: it was indeed painful to break off when the task wasbut half completed." At last they saw the Cape of Good Hope, or asDiaz and his followers called it then, the "Cape of Torments," inremembrance of all the storms and tempests they had passed throughbefore they could double it. With the foresight which so oftenaccompanies genius, John II. substituted for the "Cape of Torments,"the name of the "Cape of Good Hope," for he saw that now the routeto India was open at last, and his vast plans for the extension ofthe commerce and influence of his country were about to be realized.

On the 24th of August, 1488, Diaz returned to Angra das Voltas,where he had left his smallest caravel. He found six of his nine mendead, and the seventh was so overcome with joy at seeing hiscompanions again that he died also. No particular incident markedthe voyage home; they reached Lisbon in December, 1488, afterstaying at Benin, where they traded, and at La Mina to receive themoney gained by the commerce of the colony.

It is strange but true, that Diaz not only received no reward of anykind for this voyage which had been so successful, but he seemed tobe treated rather as though he had disgraced himself, for he was notemployed again for ten years. More than this the command of theexpedition that was sent to double the cape which Diaz haddiscovered, was given to Vasco da Gama, and Diaz was only toaccompany it to La Mina holding a subordinate position. He was tohear of the marvellous campaign of his successful rival in India,and to see what an effect such an event would have upon the destinyof his country.

He took part in Cabral's expedition which discovered Brazil, but hehad not the pleasure of seeing the shores to which he had been thepioneer, for the fleet had only just left the American shore, when afearful storm arose; four vessels sank, and among them the one thatDiaz commanded. It is in allusion to his sad fate that Camoens putsthe following prediction into the mouth of Adamastor, the spirit ofthe Cape of Tempests. "I will make a terrible example of the firstfleet that shall pass near these rocks, and I will wreak myvengeance on him who first comes to brave me in my dwelling."

In fact it was only in 1497, maybe five years after the discovery ofAmerica, that the southern point of Africa was passed by Vasco daGama, and it may be affirmed that if this latter had precededColumbus, the discovery of the new continent might have been delayedfor several centuries. The navigators of this period were verytimorous, and did not dare to sail out into mid-ocean; not liking toventure upon seas that were but little known, they always followedthe coast-line of Africa, rather than go further from land. If theCape of Tempests had been doubled, the sailors would have gone bythis route to India, and none would have thought of going to the"Land of Spices," that is to say Asia, by venturing across theAtlantic. Who, in fact, would have thought of seeking for the eastby the route to the west? But in truth this was the great idea ofthat day, for Cooley says, "The principal object of Portuguesemaritime enterprise in the fifteenth century was to search for apassage to India by the Ocean." The most learned men had not gone sofar as to imagine the existence of another continent to complete theequilibrium and balance of the terrestrial globe. Some parts of theAmerican continent had been already discovered, for an Italiannavigator Sebastian Cabot had landed on Labrador in 1487, and theScandinavians had certainly disembarked on this unknown land. Thecolonists of Greenland, too had explored Winland, but so littledisposition was there at this time to believe in the existence of anew world, that Greenland, Winland, and Labrador were all thought tobe a continuation of the European continent.

The main question before the navigators of the fifteenth century wasthe opening up of an easier communication with the shores of Asia.The route to India, China, and Japan (countries already knownthrough the wonderful narrative of Marco Polo), viâ, Asia Minor,Persia, and Tartary, was long and dangerous. The transport of goodswas too difficult and costly for these "ways terrestrial" ever tobecome roads for commerce. A more practicable means of communicationmust be found. Thus all the dwellers on the coasts, from England toSpain, as well as the people living on the shores of theMediterranean, seeing the great Atlantic ocean open to their vessels,began to inquire, whether indeed this new route might not conductthem to the shores of Asia.

The sphericity of the Globe being established, this reasoning wascorrect, for going always westward, the traveller must necessarilyat last reach the east, and as to the route across the ocean, itwould certainly be open. Who could, indeed, have suspected theexistence of an obstacle 9750 miles in length, lying between Europeand Asia, and called America?

We must observe also that the scientific men of the Middle Agesbelieved that the shores of Asia were not more than 6000 milesdistant from those of Europe. Aristotle supposed the terrestrialglobe to be smaller than it really is. Seneca said "How far is itfrom the shores of Spain to India? A very few days' sail, shouldthe wind be favourable." This was also the opinion of Strabo. So itseemed that the route between Europe and Asia must be short, andthere being such places for ships to touch at as the Azores andAntilles, of which the existence was known in the fifteenth century,the transoceanic communication promised not to be difficult. Thispopular error as to distance had the happy effect of inducingnavigators to try to cross the Atlantic, a feat which, had they beenaware of the 15,000 miles of ocean separating Europe from Asia, theywould scarcely have dared to attempt.

We must in justice allow that certain facts gave, or seemed to give,reason to the partisans of Aristotle and Strabo for their belief inthe proximity of the eastern shores. Thus, a pilot in the service ofthe King of Portugal, while sailing at 1350 miles' distance fromCape St. Vincent, the south-western point of the Portuguese provinceof Algarve, met with a piece of wood ornamented with ancientsculptures, which he considered must have come from a continent notfar off. Again, some fishermen had found near the island of Madeira,a sculptured post and some bamboos, which in shape resembled thosefound in India. The inhabitants of the Azores also, often picked upgigantic pine-trees, of an unknown species, and one day two humanbodies were cast upon their shores, "corpses with broad faces," saysthe chronicler Herrera, "and not resembling Christians."

These various facts tended to inflame imagination. As in thefifteenth century men had no knowledge of that great Gulf-stream,which, in nearing the European coasts, brings with it waifs andstrays from America, so they could only imagine that these variousdébris must come from Asia. Therefore, they argued, Asia could notbe far off, and the communication between these two extremes of theold continent must be easy. One point must be clearly borne in mind,no geographer of this period had any notion of the existence of anew world; it was not even a desire of adding to geographicalknowledge which led to the exploration of the western route. It wasthe men of commerce who were the leaders in this movement, and whofirst undertook to cross the Atlantic. Their only thought was oftraffic, and of carrying it on by the shortest road.

The mariner's compass, invented, according to the generally receivedopinion, about 1302, by one Flavio Gioja of Amalfi, enabled vesselsto sail at a distance from the coasts, and to guide themselves whenout of sight of land. Martin Béhaim, with two physicians in theservice of Prince Henry of Portugal, had also added to nauticalscience by discovering the way of directing the voyager's courseaccording to the position of the sun in the heavens, and by applyingthe astrolabe to the purposes of navigation. These improvementsbeing adopted, the commercial question of the western routeincreased daily in importance in Spain, Portugal, and Italy,countries in which three-quarters of the science is made up ofimagination. There was discussion, there were writings. The excitedworld of commerce disputed with the world of science. Facts, systems,doctrines, were grouped together. The time was come when there wasneeded one single intelligence to collect together and assimilatethe various floating ideas. This intelligence was found. At lengthall the scattered notions were gathered together in the mind of oneman, who possessed in a remarkable degree genius, perseverance, andboldness.

Christopher Columbus.

This man was no other than Christopher Columbus, born, probably nearGenoa, about the year 1436. We say "probably," for the towns ofCogoreo and Nervi dispute with Savona and Genoa, the honour ofhaving given him birth. The date of his birth varies, with differentbiographers, from 1430 to 1445, but the year 1436 would appear to bethe correct one, according to the most reliable documents. Thefamily of Columbus was of humble origin; his father, DomenicColumbus, a manufacturer of woollen stuffs, seems, however, to havebeen in sufficiently easy circ*mstances to enable him to give hischildren a more than ordinarily good education. The youngChristopher, the eldest of the family, was sent to the University ofPavia, there to study Grammar, Latin, Geography, Astronomy, andNavigation.

At fourteen years of age Christopher left school and went to sea;from this time until 1487, very little is known of his career. It isinteresting to give the remark of Humboldt on this subject, asreported by M. Charton; he said, "that he regretted the more thisuncertainty about the early life of Columbus when he remembered allthat the chroniclers have so minutely preserved for us upon the lifeof the dog Becerillo, or the elephant Aboulababat, whichHaroun-al-Raschid sent to Charlemagne!" The most probable account tobe gathered from contemporary documents and from the writings ofColumbus himself, is that the young sailor visited the Levant, thewest, the north, England several times, Portugal, the coast ofGuinea, and the islands of Africa, perhaps even Greenland, for, bythe age of forty "he had sailed to every part that had ever beensailed to before." He was looked upon as a thoroughly competentmariner, and his reputation led to his being chosen for the commandof the Genoese galleys, in the war which that Republic was wagingagainst Venice. He afterwards made an expedition, in the service ofRené, king of Anjou, to the coasts of Barbary, and in 1477, he wentto explore the countries beyond Iceland.

This voyage being successfully terminated, Christopher Columbusreturned to his home at Lisbon. He there married the daughter of anItalian gentleman, Bartolomeo Munez Perestrello, a sailor likehimself and deeply interested in the geographical ideas of the day.The wife of Columbus, Dona Filippa, was without fortune, andColumbus, having none himself, felt he must work for the support ofhimself and his family. The future discoverer, therefore, set towork to make picture-books, terrestrial globes, maps, and nauticalcharts, and continued in this employment until 1481, but without atthe same time abandoning his scientific and literary pursuits. Itseems probable even, that during this period he studied deeply, andattained to knowledge far beyond that possessed by most of thesailors of his time. Can it have been that at this time "the GreatIdea" first arose in his mind? It may well have been so. He wasfollowing assiduously the discussions relative to the western routes,and the facility of communication by the west, between Europe andAsia. His correspondence proves that he shared the opinion ofAristotle as to the relatively short distance separating the extremeshores of the old Continent. He wrote frequently to the mostdistinguished savants of his time. Martin Béhaim, of whom we havealready spoken, was amongst his correspondents, and also thecelebrated Florentine astronomer, Toscanelli, whose opinions in somedegree influenced those of Columbus.

A Spanish Port.

At this time Columbus, according to the portrait of him given by hisbiographer Washington Irving, was a tall man, of robust and noblepresence. His face was long, he had an aquiline nose, high cheekbones, eyes clear and full of fire; he had a bright complexion, andhis face was much covered with freckles. He was a truly Christianman, and it was with the liveliest faith that he fulfilled all theduties of the Catholic religion.

At the time when Christopher Columbus was in correspondence with theastronomer Toscanelli, he learnt that the latter, at the request ofAlphonso V., King of Portugal, had sent to the king a learned Memoirupon the possibility of reaching the Indies by the western route.Columbus was consulted, and supported the ideas of Toscanelli withall his influence; but without result, for the King of Portugal, whowas engaged at the time in war with Spain, died, without having beenable to give any attention to maritime discoveries. His successor,John II., adopted the plans of Columbus and Toscanelli withenthusiasm. At the same time, with most reprehensible cunning, hetried to deprive these two savants of the benefit of theirproposition; without telling them, he sent out a caravel to attemptthis great enterprise, and to reach China by crossing the Atlantic.But he had not reckoned upon the inexperience of his pilots, norupon the violence of the storms which they might encounter; theresult was, that some days after their departure, a hurricanebrought back to Lisbon the sailors of the Portuguese king. Columbuswas justly wounded by this unworthy action, and felt that he couldnot reckon upon a king who had so deceived him. His wife being dead,he left Spain with his son Diego, towards the end of the year 1484.It is thought that he went to Genoa and to Venice, where hisprojects of transoceanic navigation were but badly received.

Columbus knocks at a convent door.

However it may have been, in 1485 we find him again in Spain. Thisgreat man was poor, without resources. He travelled on foot,carrying Diego his little son of ten years old, in his arms. Fromthis period of his life, history follows him step by step; she nomore loses sight of him, and she has preserved to posterity thesmallest incidents of this grand existence. We find Columbus arrivedin Andalusia, only half a league from the port of Palos. Destitute,and dying of hunger, he knocked at the door of a Franciscan convent,dedicated to Santa Maria de Rabida, and asked for a little bread andwater for his poor child and for himself. The superior of theconvent, Juan Perez de Marchena, gave hospitality to the unfortunatetraveller. He questioned him, and was surprised by the nobleness ofhis language, but still more astonished was he, by the boldness ofthe ideas of Columbus, who made the good Father the confidant of hisaspirations. For several months the wandering sailor remained inthis hospitable convent; some of the monks were learned men, andinterested themselves about him and his projects; they studied hisplans; they mentioned him to some of the well-known navigators ofthe time; and we must give them the credit of having been the firstto believe in the genius of Christopher Columbus. Juan Perez showedstill greater kindness; he offered to take upon himself the chargeof the education of Diego, and he gave to Columbus a letter ofrecommendation addressed to the confessor of the Queen of Castille.

This confessor, prior of the monastery of Prado, was deep in theconfidence of Ferdinand and Isabella; but he did not approve of theprojects of the Genoese navigator, and he rendered him no servicewhatever with his royal penitent. Columbus must still resign himselfto wait. He went to live at Cordova, where the court was soon tocome, and for livelihood he resumed his trade of picture-seller. Isit possible to quote from the lives of illustrious men an instanceof a more trying existence than this of the great navigator? Couldill-fortune have assailed any man with more cruel blows? But thisindomitable, indefatigable man of genius, rising up again after eachtrial, did not despair. He felt within him the sacred fire of genius,he worked on unceasingly, he visited influential persons, spreadinghis ideas and defending them, and combating all objections with themost heroic energy. At length he obtained the protection of thegreat cardinal-archbishop of Toledo, Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, andthanks to him, was admitted into the presence of the King and Queenof Spain.

Christopher Columbus must have imagined himself now at the end ofall his troubles. Ferdinand and Isabella received his projectfavourably, and caused it to be submitted for examination to acouncil of learned men, consisting of bishops and monks who weregathered together ad hoc in a Dominican convent at Salamanca. Butthe unfortunate pleader was not yet at the end of his vicissitudes.In this meeting at Salamanca all his judges were against him. Thetruth was, that his ideas interfered with the intolerant religiousnotions of the fifteenth century. The Fathers of the Church haddenied the sphericity of the earth, and since the earth was notround they declared that a voyage of circumnavigation was absolutelycontrary to the Bible, and could not therefore, on any logicaltheory, be undertaken. "Besides," said these theologians, "if anyone should ever succeed in descending into the other hemisphere, howcould he ever mount up again into this one?" This manner of arguingwas a very formidable one at this period; for Christopher Columbussaw himself, in consequence, almost accused of heresy, the mostunpardonable crime which could be committed in these intolerantcountries. He escaped any evil consequences from the hostiledisposition of the Council, but the execution of his project wasagain adjourned.

Building a caravel.

Long years passed away. The unfortunate man of genius, despairing ofsuccess in Spain, sent his brother to England to make an offer ofhis services to the king, Henry VII. But it is probable that theking gave no answer. Then Christopher Columbus turned again withunabated perseverance to Ferdinand, but Ferdinand was at this timeengaged in a war of extermination against the Moors, and it was notuntil 1492, when he had chased the Moors from Spain, that he wasable again to listen to the solicitations of the Genoese sailor.

This time the affair was thoroughly considered, and the kingconsented to the enterprise. But Columbus, as is the manner of proudnatures, wished to impose his own conditions. They bargained overthat which should enrich Spain! Columbus, in disgust, was withoutdoubt ready to quit, and for ever, this ungrateful country, butIsabella, touched by the thought of the unbelievers of Asia, whomshe hoped to convert to the Catholic faith, ordered Columbus to berecalled, and then acceded to all his demands.

Columbus was in the fifty-sixth year of his age when he signed atreaty with the King of Spain at Santa-Feta on the 17th of April,1492, being eighteen years after he had first conceived his project,and seven years from the time of his quitting the monastery of Palos.By this solemn convention, the dignity of high admiral was to belongto Columbus in all the lands which he might discover, and thisdignity was to descend in perpetuity to his heirs and successors. Hewas named viceroy and governor of the new possessions which he hopedto conquer in the rich countries of Asia, and one-tenth part of thepearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, provisions, andmerchandise of whatever kind, which might be acquired in any mannerwhatsoever, within the limits of his jurisdiction, was of right tobelong to him.

All was arranged, and at length Columbus was to put his cherishedprojects in execution. But let us repeat, he had no thought ofmeeting with the New World, of the existence of which he had not thefaintest suspicion. His aim was "to explore the East by the West,and to pass by the way of the West to the Land whence come thespices." One may even aver that Columbus died in the belief that hehad arrived at the shores of Asia, and never knew himself that hehad made the discovery of America. But this in no way lessens hisglory; the meeting with the new Continent was but an accident. Thereal cause of the immortal renown of Columbus was that audacity ofgenius which induced him to brave the dangers of an unknown ocean,to separate himself afar from those familiar shores, which, untilnow, navigators had never ventured to quit, to adventure himselfupon the waves of the Atlantic Ocean in the frail ships of theperiod, which the first tempest might engulf, to launch himself, ina word, upon the deep darkness of an unknown sea.

The preparations began, Columbus entering into an arrangement withsome rich navigators of Palos, the three brothers Pinzon, who madethe necessary advances for defraying the expenses of fitting out theships. Three caravels, named the Gallega, the Nina, and thePinta, were equipped in the port of Palos. The Gallega wasdestined to carry the admiral, who changed her name to theSanta-Maria. The Pinta was commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon,and the Nina by his two brothers, Francis Martin, and VincentYanez Pinzon. It was difficult to man the ships, sailors generallybeing frightened at the enterprise, but at last the captainssucceeded in getting together one hundred and twenty men, and onFriday, August 3rd, 1492, the admiral crossing at eight o'clock inthe morning the bar of Saltez, off the town of Huelva, in Andalusia,adventured himself with his three half-decked caravels upon theAtlantic waves.

First voyage: The Great Canary—Gomera—Magnetic variation—Symptomsof revolt—Land, land—San Salvador—Taking possession—Conception—Fernandinaor Great Exuma—Isabella, or Long Island—The Mucaras—Cuba—Descriptionof the island—Archipelago of Notre-Dame—Hispaniola or San Domingo—TortugaIsland—The cacique on board theSanta-Maria—The caravel of Columbus goes aground and cannot befloated off—Island of Monte-Christi—Return—Tempest—Arrival inSpain—Homage rendered to Christopher Columbus.

During the first day's voyage, the admiral—the title by which he isusually known in the various accounts of his exploits—bearingdirectly southwards, sailed forty-five miles before sunset; turningthen to the south-east, he steered for the Canaries, in order torepair the Pinta, which had unshipped her rudder, an accidentcaused perhaps by the ill-will of the steersman, who dreaded thevoyage. Ten days later Columbus cast anchor before the Great CanaryIsland, where the rudder of the caravel was repaired. Nineteen daysafterwards he arrived before Gomera, where the inhabitants assuredhim of the existence of an unknown land in the west of theArchipelago. He did not leave Gomera until the 6th of September. Hehad received warning that three Portuguese ships awaited him in theopen sea, with the intention of barring his passage; however,without taking any heed of this news, he put to sea, cleverlyavoided meeting his enemies, and steering directly westward, he lostall sight of land. During the voyage the admiral took care toconceal from his companions the true distance traversed each day; hemade it appear less than it really was in the daily abstracts of hisobservations, that he might not add to the fear already felt by thesailors, by letting them know the real distance which separated themfrom Europe. Each day he watched the compasses with attention, andit is to him we owe the discovery of the magnetic variation, ofwhich he took account in his calculations. The pilots, however, weremuch disturbed on seeing the compasses all "north-westers," as theyexpressed it.

Christopher Columbus on board his caravel.

On the 14th of September the sailors saw a swallow and sometropic-birds. The sight of these birds was an evidence of land beingnear, for they do not usually fly more than about seventy miles outto sea. The temperature was very mild, the weather magnificent; thewind blew from the east and wafted the caravels in the desireddirection. But it was exactly this continuance of east wind whichfrightened the greater part of the sailors, who saw in thispersistence, so favourable for the outward voyage, the promise of aformidable obstacle to their return home. On the 16th of Septembersome tufts of seaweed, still fresh, were seen floating on the waves.But no land was to be seen, and this seaweed might possibly indicatethe presence of submarine rocks, and not of the shores of acontinent. On the 17th, thirty-five days after the departure of theexpedition, floating weeds were frequently seen, and upon one massof weed was found a live cray-fish, a sure sign this of theproximity of land.

During the following days a large number of birds, such as gannets,sea-swallows, and tropic-birds, flew around the caravels. Columbusturned their presence to account as a means of reassuring hiscompanions, who were beginning to be terribly frightened at notmeeting with land after six weeks of sailing. His own confidencenever abated, but putting firm trust in God, he often addressedenergetic words of comfort to those around him, and made them eachevening chant the Salve Regina, or some other hymn to the Virgin.At the words of this heroic man, so noble, so sure of himself, sosuperior to all human weaknesses, the courage of the sailors revived,and they again went onwards.

We can well imagine how anxiously both officers and men scanned thewestern horizon towards which they were steering. Each one had apecuniary motive for wishing to be the first to descry the NewContinent, King Ferdinand having promised a reward of 10,000maravédis, or 400 pounds sterling, to the first discoverer. Thelatter days of the month of September were enlivened by the presenceof numerous large birds, petrels, man-of-war birds, and damiers,flying in couples, a sign that they were not far away from home. SoColumbus retained his unshaken conviction that land could not be faroff.

On the 1st of October, the admiral announced to his companions thatthey had made 1272 miles to the west since leaving Ferro; in reality,the distance traversed exceeded 2100 miles, and of this Columbus wasquite aware, but persisted in his policy of disguising the truth inthis particular. On the 7th of October, the crews were excited byhearing discharges of musketry from the Nina, the commanders ofwhich, the two brothers Pinzon, thought they had descried the land;they soon found, however, that they had been mistaken. Still, ontheir representing that they had seen some parroquets flying in asouth-westerly direction, the admiral consented to change his routeso far as to steer some points to the south, a change which hadhappy consequences in the future, for had they continued to rundirectly westward, the caravels would have been aground upon thegreat Bahama Bank, and would probably have been altogether destroyed.

Still the ardently desired land did not appear. Each evening the sunas it went down dipped behind an interminable horizon of water. Thecrews who had several times been the victims of an optical illusion,now began to murmur against Columbus, "the Genoese, the foreigner,"who had enticed them so far away from their country. Some symptomsof mutiny had already shown themselves on board the vessels, when,on the 10th of October, the sailors openly declared that they wouldgo no further. In treating of this part of the voyage, thehistorians would seem to have drawn somewhat upon theirimagination; they narrate scenes of serious import which took placeupon the admiral's caravel, the sailors going so far as even tothreaten his life. They say also, that the recriminations ended by akind of arrangement, granting a respite of three days to Columbus,at the end of which time, should land not have been then discovered,the fleet was to set out on its return to Europe. All thesestatements we may look upon as pure fiction; there is nothing in theaccounts given by Columbus himself which lends them the smallestcredibility. But it has been needful to touch upon them, for nothingmust be omitted relating to the great Genoese Navigator, and someamount of legend mixed up with history does not ill beseem the grandfigure of Christopher Columbus. Still, it is an undoubted fact thatthere was much murmuring on board the caravels, but it would seemthat the crews, cheered by the words of the admiral, and by hisbrave attitude in the midst of uncertainty, did not refuse to dotheir duty in working the ships.

On the 11th of October, the admiral noticed alongside of his vessel,a reed still green, floating upon the top of a large wave: at thesame time the crew of the Pinta hoisted on board another reed, asmall board, and a little stick, which appeared to have been cutwith an instrument of iron; it was evident that human hands had beenemployed upon these things. Almost at the same moment, the men ofthe Nina perceived a branch of some thorny tree covered withblossoms. At all this every one rejoiced exceedingly; there could beno doubt now of the proximity of the coast. Night fell over the sea.The Pinta, the best sailor of the three vessels, was leading.Already, Columbus himself, and one Rodrigo Sanchez, comptroller ofthe expedition, had thought they had seen a light moving amidst theshadows of the horizon, when a sailor named Rodrigo, on board thePinta, cried out, "Land, land."

What must have been the feelings in the breast ofColumbus at that moment?

What must have been the feelings in the breast of Columbus at thatmoment? Never had any man, since the first creation of the humanrace experienced a similar emotion to that now felt by the greatnavigator. Perhaps even it is allowable to think that the eye whichfirst saw this New Continent, was indeed that of the admiral himself.But what matters it? The glory of Columbus consisted not in thehaving arrived, his glory was in the having set out. It was at twoo'clock in the morning that the land was first seen, when thecaravels were not two hours' sail away from it. At once all thecrews deeply moved, joined in singing together the Salve Regina.With the first rays of the sun they saw a little island, six milesto windward of them. It was one of the Bahama group; Columbus namedit San Salvador, and immediately falling on his knees, he began torepeat the hymn of Saint Ambrose and Saint Augustine: "Te Deumlaudamus, Te Deum confitemur."

At this moment, some naked savages appeared upon the newlydiscovered coast. Columbus had his long boat lowered, and got intoit with Alonzo and Yanez Pinzon, the comptroller Rodrigo, thesecretary Descovedo, and some others. He landed upon the shore,carrying in his hand the royal banner, whilst the two captains borebetween them the green banner of the Cross, upon which wereinterlaced, the initials of Ferdinand and Isabella. Then the admiralsolemnly took possession of the island in the name of the King andQueen of Spain, and caused a record of the act to be drawn up.During this ceremony the natives came round Columbus and hiscompanions. M. Charton gives the account of the scene in the verywords of Columbus: "Desiring to inspire them (the natives) withfriendship for us, and being persuaded, on seeing them, that theywould confide the more readily in us, and be the better disposedtowards embracing our Holy Faith, if we used mildness in persuadingthem, rather than if we had recourse to force, I caused to be givento several amongst them, coloured caps, and also glass beads, whichthey put around their necks. I added various other articles of smallvalue; they testified great joy, and showed so much gratitude thatwe marvelled greatly at it. When we were re-embarking, they swamtowards us, to offer us parroquets, balls of cotton thread, zagayes(or long darts), and many other things; in exchange we gave themsome small glass beads, little bells, and other objects. They gaveus all they had, but they appeared to me to be very poor. The menand women both were as naked as when they were born. Amongst thosewhom we saw, one woman was rather young, and none of the menappeared to be more than thirty years of age. They were well made,their figures handsome, and their faces agreeable. Their hair,coarse as that of a horse's tail, hung down in front as low as theireyebrows, behind it formed a long mass, which they never cut. Thereare some who paint themselves with a blackish pigment; their naturalcolour being neither black nor white, but similar to that of theinhabitants of the Canary islands; some paint themselves with white,some with red, or any other colour, either covering the whole bodywith it, or the whole face, or perhaps only the eyes, or the nose.They do not carry arms like our people, and do not even know whatthey are. When I showed them some swords, they laid hold of them bythe blades, and cut their fingers. They have no iron; their zagayesare sticks, the tip is not of iron, but sometimes made of a fishtooth, or of some other hard substance. They have much grace intheir movements. I remarked that several had scars upon their bodies,and I asked them by means of signs, how they had been wounded. Theyanswered in the same manner, that the inhabitants of theneighbouring islands had come to attack them, and make themprisoners, and that they had defended themselves. I thought then andI still think that they must have come from the mainland to makethem prisoners for slaves; they would be faithful and gentleservants. They seem to have the power of repeating quickly what theyhear. I am persuaded that they might be converted to Christianitywithout difficulty, for I believe that they belong to no sect."

When Columbus returned on board, several of the savages swam afterhis boat; the next day, the 13th, they came in crowds around theships, on board of enormous canoes shaped out of the trunks oftrees; they were guided by means of a kind of baker's shovel, andsome of the canoes were capable of holding forty men. Severalnatives wore little plates of gold hanging from their nostrils; theyappeared much surprised at the arrival of the strangers, and quitebelieved that these white men must have fallen from the skies. Itwas with a mixture of respect and curiosity that they touched thegarments of the Spaniards, considering them doubtless, a kind ofnatural plumage. The scarlet coat of the admiral excited theiradmiration above everything, and it was evident they looked uponColumbus as a parroquet of a superior species; at once they seemedto recognize him as the chief amongst the strangers.

So Columbus and his followers visited this new island of SanSalvador. They were never tired of admiring the beauty of itssituation, its magnificent groves, its running streams, and verdantmeadows. The fauna of the island offered little variety; parroquetsof radiant plumage abounded amongst the trees, but they appeared tobe the only species of birds upon the island. San Salvador presentedan almost flat plateau of which no mountain broke the uniformity; asmall lake occupied the centre of the island. The explorers imaginedthat San Salvador must contain great mineral riches, since theinhabitants were adorned with ornaments of gold. But was thisprecious metal derived from the island itself? Upon this point theadmiral questioned one of the natives, and succeeded in learningfrom him by means of signs, that in turning the island and sailingtowards the south, the admiral would find a country of which theking possessed great vessels of gold and immense riches. The nextmorning, at daybreak, Columbus gave orders to have the shipsprepared for sea; he set sail, and steered towards the continent ofwhich the natives had spoken, which, as he imagined, could be noneother than Cipango.

Here an important observation must be made, showing the state ofgeographical knowledge at this period: viz. that Columbus nowbelieved himself to have arrived at Asia, Cipango being the namegiven by Marco Polo to Japan. This error of the admiral, shared inby all his companions, was not rectified for many years afterwards,and thus, as we have already remarked, the great navigator afterfour successive voyages to the islands, died, without knowing thathe had discovered a new world. It is beyond doubt that the sailorsof Columbus, and Columbus himself, imagined that they had arrived,during that night of the 12th October, 1492, either at Japan, orChina, or the Indies. This is the reason why America so long borethe name of the "Western Indies," and why the aborigines of thiscontinent, in Brazil and in Mexico, as well as in the United States,are still classed under the general appellation of "Indians."

So Columbus dreamt only of reaching the shores of Japan. He coastedalong San Salvador, exploring its western side. The natives, runningdown to the shore, offered him water and cassava bread, made fromthe root of a plant called the "Yucca." Several times the admirallanded upon the coast at different points, and with a sad want ofhumanity, he carried away some of the natives, that he might takethem with him to Spain. Poor men! already the strangers began totear them from their country; it would not be long before they beganto sell them! At last the caravels lost sight of San Salvador, andwere again upon the wide ocean.

Fortune had favoured Columbus in thus guiding him into the centre ofone of the most beautiful archipelagos which the world contains.These new lands which he discovered were as a casket of preciousstones, which needed only to be opened, and the hands of thediscoverer were full of treasures. On the 15th October, at sunset,the flotilla came to anchor near the western point of a secondisland, at a distance of only fifteen miles from San Salvador; thisisland was named Conception; on the morrow the admiral landed uponthe shore, having his men well armed for fear of surprise; thenatives, however, proved to be of the same race as those of SanSalvador, and gave a kind welcome to the Spaniards. A south-easterlywind having arisen, Columbus soon put to sea again, and twenty-sevenmiles further westward, he discovered a third island, which hecalled Fernandina, but which now goes by the name of the Great Exuma.All night they lay-to, and next day, the 17th October, large nativecanoes came off to the vessels. The relations with the natives wereexcellent, the savages peacefully exchanging fruit, and small ballsof cotton for glass beads, tambourines, needles, which took theirfancy greatly, and some molasses, of which they appeared very fond.These natives of Fernandina wore some clothing, and appearedaltogether more civilized than those of San Salvador; they inhabitedhouses made in the shape of tents and having high chimneys; theinteriors of these dwellings were remarkably clean and well kept.The western side of the island, with its deeply indented shore,formed a grand natural harbour, capable of containing a hundredvessels.

But Fernandina did not afford the riches so much coveted by theSpaniards as spoils to take back to Europe; there were no gold-mineshere; the natives who were on board the flotilla always spoke,however, of a larger island, situated to the south and calledSaometo, in which the precious metal was found. Columbus steered inthe direction indicated, and during the night of Friday, the 19th ofOctober, he cast anchor near this Saometo, calling it Isabella; inmodern maps it goes by the name of Long Island. According to thenatives of San Salvador, there was a powerful king in this island,but the admiral for several days awaited in vain the advent of thisgreat personage; he did not show himself. The island of Isabella wasbeautiful of aspect, with its clear lakes, and thick forests; theSpaniards were never tired of admiring the new type of naturepresented to their view, and of which the intense verdure waswonderful to European eyes. Parroquets in innumerable flocks wereflying amongst the thick trees, and great lizards, doubtless iguanas,glided with rapid movements in the high grass. The inhabitants ofthe island fled at first at the sight of the foreigners, but soonbecoming bolder, they trafficked with the Spaniards in theproductions of their country.

Still Columbus held firmly to the notion of reaching the shores ofJapan. The natives had mentioned to him a large island a little tothe west which they called Cuba, and this the admiral supposed mustform part of the kingdom of Cipango; he felt little doubt but thathe would soon arrive at the town of Quinsay, or Hang-tchoo-foo,formerly the capital of China. With this object, as soon as thewinds permitted, the fleet weighed anchor. On Thursday, the 25th ofOctober, seven or eight islands lying in a straight line weresighted, these were probably the Mucaras. Columbus did not stop tovisit them, and on the Sunday he came in sight of Cuba. The caravelswere moored in a river, to which the Spaniards gave the name of SanSalvador; after a short stay, they sailed again towards the west,and entered a harbour situated at the mouth of a large river whichwas afterwards called the harbour of Las Nuevitas del Principe.

Numerous palm-trees were growing upon the shores of the island,having leaves so broad that only one was required for roofing anative hut. The natives had fled at the approach of the Spaniards,who found upon the shore idols of female form, tame birds, bones ofanimals, also dumb dogs, and some fishing instruments. The Cubansavages, however, were ready to be enticed like the others, and theyconsented to barter their goods with the Spaniards. Columbusbelieved himself to be now on the mainland, and only a few leaguesfrom Hang-tchoo-foo; this idea being so rooted in his mind, that heeven busied himself in despatching some presents to the great Khanof China. On the 2nd of November he desired one of the officers ofhis ship, and a Jew who could speak Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic, toset out to seek this native monarch. The ambassadors, carrying withthem strings of beads, and having six days given to them for thefulfilment of their mission, started, taking a route leading towardsthe interior of this so-called continent.

In the meantime, Columbus explored for nearly six miles a splendidriver which flowed beneath the shade of woods of odoriferous trees.The inhabitants freely bartered their goods with the Spaniards, andfrequently mentioned to them a place named Bohio, where gold andpearls might be obtained in abundance. They added that men livedthere who had dogs' heads, and who fed upon human flesh.

The admiral's envoys returned to the port on the 6th of November,after a four days' absence. Two days had sufficed to bring them to avillage composed of about fifty huts, where they were received withevery mark of respect; the natives kissing their feet and hands, andtaking them for deities descended from the skies. Among otherdetails of native customs, they reported that both men and womensmoked tobacco by means of a forked pipe, drawing up the smokethrough their nostrils. These savages were acquainted with thesecret of obtaining fire by rubbing briskly two pieces of woodagainst each other. Cotton was found in large quantities in thehouses, made up into the form of tents, one of these containing asmuch as 11,000 pounds of the material. As to the grand khan they sawno vestige of him.

Another consequence of the error of Columbus must be noticed here,one which, according to Irving, changed the whole series of hisdiscoveries. He believed himself to be on the coast of Asia, andtherefore looked upon Cuba as a portion of that continent. Inconsequence, he never thought of making the tour of Cuba, butdecided on returning towards the east. Now, had he not been deceivedon this occasion, and had he continued to follow the same directionas at first, the results of his enterprise would have been greatlymodified. He might then have drifted towards Florida at thesouth-eastern point of North America, or he might have run direct toMexico. In this latter case, instead of ignorant and savage natives,what would he have found? The inhabitants of the great Aztec Empire,of the half-civilized kingdom of Montezuma. There he would have seentowns, armies, enormous wealth, and his rôle would no doubt havebeen the same as that afterwards played by Fernando Cortès. But itwas not to be thus, and the admiral, persevering in his mistake,directed his flotilla towards the east, weighing anchor on the 12thof November, 1492.

Columbus tacked in and out along the Cuban coast; he saw the twomountains—Cristal and Moa; he explored a harbour to which he gavethe name of Puerto del Principe, and an archipelago which he calledthe Sea of Nuestra Señora. Each night the fishermen's fires wereseen upon the numerous islands, the inhabitants of which lived uponspiders and huge worms. Several times the Spaniards landed upondifferent points of the coast, and there planted the cross as a signof taking possession of the country. The natives often spoke to theadmiral about a certain island of Babeque, where gold abounded, andthither Columbus resolved to go, but Martin-Alonzo Pinzon, thecaptain of the Pinta, the best sailer of the three ships, wasbeforehand with him, and at day-break on the 21st of November, hehad completely disappeared from sight. The admiral was very angry atthis separation, his feelings on the subject appearing plainly inhis narrative, where he says, "Pinzon has said and done to me manylike things." Continuing his exploration of the coast of Cuba,Columbus discovered the Bay of Moa, the Point of Mangle, Point Vaez,and the harbour of Barracoa, but nowhere did he meet with cannibals,although the huts of the natives were often to be seen adorned withhuman skulls, a sight which appeared to give great satisfaction tothe islanders on board the fleet. On the following days, they sawthe Boma River, and the caravels, doubling the point of Los Azules,found themselves upon the eastern part of the island, whose coastthey had now reconnoitred for a distance of 375 miles. But Columbusinstead of continuing his route to the south turned off to the east,and on the 5th of December perceived a large island, called by thenatives Bohio. This was Hayti, or San Domingo.

In the evening, the Nina by the admiral's orders, entered aharbour which was named Port Mary; it is situated at thenorth-western extremity of the island, and, with the cape near whichit lies, is now called St. Nicholas. The next day the Spaniardsdiscovered a number of headlands, and an islet, called TortugaIsland. Everywhere on the appearance of the ships, the Indian canoestook to flight. The island, along which they were now coasting,appeared very large and very high, from which latter peculiarity itgained, later on, its name of Hayti, which signifies High Land. Thecoast was explored by the Spaniards as far as Mosquito Bay; itsnatural features, its plains and hills, its plants and the birdswhich fluttered amongst the beautiful trees of the island, allrecalled to the memory the landscapes of Castille, and for thisreason Columbus named it Hispaniola, or Spanish Island. Theinhabitants were extremely timid and distrustful; they fled awayinto the interior and no communication could be held with them. Somesailors, however, succeeded in capturing a young woman, whom theycarried on board with them. She was young and rather pretty. Theadmiral gave her, besides rings and beads, some clothing, of whichshe had great need, and after most generous treatment, he sent herback to shore.

This good conduct had the result of taming the natives, and the nextday, when nine of the sailors, well armed, ventured as far assixteen miles inland, they were received with respect, the savagesrunning to them in crowds, and offering them everything which theircountry produced. The sailors returned to the ships enchanted withtheir excursion. The interior of the island they had found rich incotton plants, mastic-trees and aloes, while a fine river, namedafterwards the Three Rivers, flowed gently along its limpid course.On December 15th, Columbus again set sail, and was carried by thewind towards Tortuga Island, upon which he saw a navigable stream ofwater, and a valley so beautiful that he called it the Vale ofParadise. The day following, having tacked into a deep gulf, anIndian was seen who, notwithstanding the violence of the wind, wasskilfully manoeuvring a light canoe. This Indian was invited to comeon board, was loaded with presents by the admiral, and then put onshore again, at one of the harbours of Hispaniola, now called thePuerto de Paz. This kindness tended to attach the natives to theadmiral, and from that day they came in numbers round the caravels;their king came with them, a strong, vigorous, and somewhat stoutyoung man of twenty years of age; he was naked, like his subjects ofboth sexes, who showed him much respect, but with no appearance ofservility. Columbus ordered royal honours to be rendered to him, andin return, the king, or rather cacique, informed the admiral thatthe provinces to the east abounded in gold.

Columbus named it the Vale of Paradise.

Next day another cacique arrived, offering to place all thetreasures of his country at the service of the Spaniards. He waspresent at a fête in honour of the Virgin Mary, that Columbus causedto be celebrated with great pomp on board his vessel, which wasgaily dressed with flags on the occasion. The cacique dined at theadmiral's table, apparently enjoying the repast; after he hadhimself tasted of the different viands and beverages, he sent thedishes and goblets to the members of his suite; he had good manners,spoke little, but showed great politeness. After the feast, he gavethe admiral some thin leaves of gold, while Columbus, on his side,presented him with some coins, upon which were engraved theportraits of Ferdinand and Isabella, and after explaining to him bysigns that these were the representations of the most powerfulsovereigns in the world, he caused the royal banners of Castille tobe displayed before the savage prince. When night fell, the caciqueretired, highly delighted with his visit; and on his departure hewas saluted with a salvo of artillery. On the day following, thecrews before quitting this hospitable coast, set up a large cross inthe middle of the little town. In issuing from the gulf formed byTortuga Island and Hispaniola, they discovered several harbours,capes, bays, and rivers; at the point of Limbé, a small island whichColumbus named St. Thomas, and finally, an enormous harbour safe andsheltered, hidden between the island and the Bay of Acul, and towhich access was given by a canal surrounded by high mountainscovered with trees.

The admiral often disembarked upon this coast, the natives receivinghim as an ambassador from heaven, and imploring him to remain amongthem. Columbus gave them quantities of little bells, brass rings,glass beads, and other toys, which they eagerly accepted. A caciquenamed Guacanagari, reigning over the province of Marien, sent to theadmiral a belt adorned with the figure of an animal with large ears,of which the nose and tongue were made of beaten gold. Gold appearedto be abundant in the island, and the natives soon brought aconsiderable quantity of it to the strangers. The inhabitants ofthis part of Hispaniola seemed to be superior in intelligence andappearance to those of that portion of the island which had beenfirst visited; in the opinion of Columbus, the paint, red, black, orwhite, with which the natives covered their bodies, served toprotect them from sunstroke. The huts of these savages were prettyand well built. Upon Columbus questioning them as to the countrywhich produced gold, they always indicated one towards the east, acountry which they called Cibao, and which the admiral continued toidentify with Cipango or Japan.

On Christmas Day a serious accident occurred to the admiral'scaravel, the first damage sustained in this hitherto prosperousvoyage. An inexperienced steersman was at the helm of theSanta-Maria during an excursion outside the Gulf of St. Thomas;night came on, and he allowed the vessel to be caught in somecurrents which threw her upon the rocks; the caravel grounded andher rudder stuck fast. The admiral, awakened by the shock, ran upondeck; he ordered an anchor to be fastened forward, by which the shipmight warp herself off and so float again. The master and some ofthe sailors charged with the execution of this order, jumped intothe long boat, but seized with a sudden panic, they rowed away inhaste to the Nina. Meantime the tide fell, and the Santa-Mariaran further aground; it became necessary to cut away the masts tolighten her, and soon it was evident that everything on board mustbe removed to the other ship. The cacique Guacanagari, quiteunderstanding the dangerous situation of the caravel, came with hisbrothers and other relations, accompanied by a great number of theIndians, and helped in unlading the ship. Thanks to this prince, nota single article of the cargo was stolen, and during the whole nightarmed natives kept watch around the stores of provisions.

The next day Guacanagari went on board the Nina, to console theadmiral, and to place all his own possessions at his disposal, atthe same time offering him a repast of bread, doe's flesh, fish,roots, and fruit. Columbus, much moved by these tokens of friendship,formed the design of founding an establishment on this island. Withthis purpose in view, he addressed himself to gain the hearts of theIndians by presents and kindness, and wishing also to give them anadequate notion of his power, he ordered the discharge of anarquebuse and a small cannon, of which the reports frightened thepoor savages terribly. On December 26th, the Spaniards commenced theconstruction of a fort upon this part of the coast, the intention ofthe admiral being to leave there a certain number of men, with ayear's provision of bread, wine, and seed, and to give them the longboat belonging to the Santa-Maria. The works at the fort werepushed forward with rapidity. It was also on the 26th that theyreceived news of the Pinta, which had been separated from theflotilla since November 21st. The natives announced that she was atanchor in a river at the extreme point of the island, but a canoedespatched by Guacanagari returned without having found her. ThenColumbus, not wishing to continue his explorations under the presentconditions, since the loss of the Santa-Maria, which could not befloated again, left him but one caravel, decided to return to Spain,and preparations for the departure began.

On the 2nd of January Columbus caused his soldiers to act a mimicbattle, greatly to the admiration of the cacique and his subjects.Afterwards the admiral chose out thirty-nine men to form thegarrison of the fortress during his absence, naming Rodrigo deEscovedo as their commander. The greater part of the cargo of theSanta-Maria was to be left behind with them, for their year'sprovision. Amongst these first colonists of the New World wereincluded a writer, an alguazil, a cooper, a doctor, and a tailor.These Spaniards were charged with the mission of seeking forgold-mines, and of choosing a suitable site for the building of atown. On the 3rd of January, after solemn leave-takings of thecacique and the new colonists, the Nina weighed anchor and sailedout of the harbour. An island was soon discovered, having upon it avery high mountain; to this was given the name of Monte-Christi.Columbus had already sailed for two days along the coast, when hewas aware of the approach of the Pinta, and very soon her captain,Martin Alonzo Pinzon, came on board the Nina, endeavouring toexcuse his conduct. The real truth was that Pinzon had taken thelead with the view of being the first to reach the pretended islandof Babeque, of which the riches had been described in glowingcolours by the natives. The admiral was very ready to accept the badreasons given him by Captain Pinzon, and learnt from him that thePinta had done nothing but coast along the shores of Hispaniola,without discovering any new island.

On the 7th of January the ships lay to, to stop a leak which hadsprung in the hold of the Nina. Columbus profited by this delay toexplore a wide river, situated about three miles from Monte-Christi,and which carried so much gold-dust along with it, that he gave itthe name of the Golden River. The admiral would have desired tovisit this part of Hispaniola with greater care, but the crews werein haste to return home, and under the influence of the brothersPinzon, began to murmur against his authority.

On the 9th of January the caravels set sail and steered towards theeast-south-east, skirting the coast, and distinguishing by nameseven its smallest sinuosities; of such were point Isabella, the capeof La Roca, French Cape, Cape Cabron, and the Bay of Samana,situated at the eastern extremity of the island, where was a port,in which the fleet, being becalmed, came to anchor. At first therelations between the foreigners and the natives were excellent, buta change was suddenly perceived, the savages ceasing to barter, andmaking some hostile demonstrations, which left no doubt of the badintentions entertained by them. On the 13th of January the savagesmade a sudden and unexpected attack upon the Spaniards, who, however,put a bold face on the matter, and by the aid of their weapons, puttheir enemies to flight after a few minutes' combat. Thus, for thefirst time, the blood of the Indian flowed beneath the hand of theEuropean.

On the morrow Columbus again set sail, having on board four youngnatives, whom, notwithstanding their objections, he persisted incarrying off with him. His crews, embittered and fatigued, causedhim great uneasiness, and in his narrative of the voyage, this greatman, superior though he were to all human weaknesses, and a beingwhom adverse fate could not humble, bemoans himself bitterly overthis trial. It was on the 16th of January that the homeward voyagecommenced in good earnest, and Cape Samana, the extreme point ofHispaniola, disappeared below the horizon. The passage proved aquick one, and no incident is recorded until the 12th of February,when the vessels encountered a fearful storm lasting three days,with furious wind, enormous waves, and much lightning from thenorth-north-east. Three times did the terrified sailors make a vowof pilgrimage to St. Mary of Guadalupe, to our Lady of Loretto, andto St. Clara of Moguer, and at length, in extremity of fear, thewhole crew swore to go and pray in their shirts and with naked feetin some church dedicated to the Virgin. But in spite of all, thestorm raged with redoubled fury, and even the admiral feared for theresult. In case of a catastrophe, he thought it well hastily towrite upon a parchment an abstract of his discoveries, with arequest that who ever should find the document would forward it tothe King of Spain; wrapping the parchment in oil-cloth, he enclosedit in a wooden barrel, which was thrown into the sea.

At sunrise on the 15th of February the hurricane abated, the twocaravels which had been separated by the storm again joined company,and after three days they cast anchor at the island of St. Mary, oneof the Azores; as soon as they arrived there, the admiral sought tofurther the accomplishment of the vows made during the storm, andwith this object, sent half of his people on shore; but these wereunhappily made prisoners by the Portuguese, who did not restore themto liberty for five days, notwithstanding the urgent remonstrancesmade by Columbus. The admiral put to sea again on the 23rd ofFebruary; again the winds were contrary, and again, amidst a violenttempest, he took fresh vows in company with all his crew, promisingto fast on the first Saturday which should follow their arrival inSpain. At last, on the 4th of March, the pilots sighted the mouth ofthe Tagus, in which the Nina took refuge, whilst the Pinta,caught by the wind, was carried away into the Bay of Biscay.

The Portuguese welcomed the admiral kindly, the king even admittinghim to an audience. Columbus was in haste to return to Spain; assoon as the weather permitted, the Nina again set sail, and atmid-day on the 15th of March, she cast anchor in the port of Palos,after seven months and a half of navigation, during which Columbushad discovered the islands of San Salvador, Conception, Great Exuma,Long Island, the Mucaras, Cuba, and San Domingo.

The court of Ferdinand and Isabella was then at Barcelona, whitherthe admiral was summoned. He set out immediately, taking with himthe Indians whom he had brought from the New World. The enthusiasmhe excited was extreme; from all parts the people ran to look at himas he passed, rendering him royal honours. His entry into Barcelonawas magnificent. The king and queen, with the grandees of Spain,received him with great pomp at the palace of the Deputation. Hethere gave an account of his wonderful voyage, and presented thespecimens of gold which he had brought with him; then all theassembly knelt down and chanted the Te Deum. Christopher Columbuswas afterwards ennobled by letters patent, and the king granted hima coat of arms bearing this device: "To Castille and Leon, Columbusgives a New World." The fame of the Genoese navigator rang throughthe whole of Europe; the Indians whom he had brought with him werebaptized in presence of the whole court; and thus, the man of genius,so long poor and unknown, had now risen to the highest point ofcelebrity.

Second Voyage: Flotilla of seventeen vessels—Island ofFerro—Dominica—Marie-Galante—Guadaloupe—TheCannibals—Montserrat—Santa-Maria-la-Rodonda—St. Martin and Santa Cruz—Archipelago ofthe Eleven Thousand Virgins—The island of St. John Baptist, orPorto Rico—Hispaniola—The first Colonists massacred—Foundation ofthe town of Isabella—Twelve ships laden with treasure sent toSpain—Fort St. Thomas built in the Province of Cibao—Don Diego,Columbus' brother, named Governor of the Island—Jamaica—The Coastof Cuba—The Remora—Return to Isabella—The Cacique madeprisoner—Revolt of the Natives—Famine—Columbus traduced in Spain—JuanAguado sent as Commissary to Isabella—Gold-mines—Departure ofColumbus—His arrival at Cadiz.

The narrative of the adventures of the great Genoese navigator hadover-excited the minds of the hearers. Imagination already caughtglimpses of golden continents situated beyond the seas. All thepassions which are engendered by cupidity were seething in thepeople's hearts. The admiral, under pressure of public opinion, mustset forth again with the most brief delay. He was himself also,eager to return to the theatre of his conquests, and to yet enrichthe maps of the day with more new discoveries. He declared himself,therefore, ready to start.

The king and queen placed at his disposal a flotilla composed ofthree large ships and fourteen caravels. Twelve hundred men were tosail in them. Several Castilian nobles, with firm faith in the luckystar of Columbus, decided to try their fortune with him beyond seas.In the holds of the vessels were horses, cattle, instruments of allkinds for collecting and purifying gold, grain of various kinds; ina word, everything that might be needful in the establishing animportant colony. Of the ten natives brought to Europe, fivereturned to their country, three, who were ill, remained behind inEurope, the other two were dead. Columbus was named captain-generalof the squadron, with unlimited powers.

On the 25th of September, 1493, the seventeen ships left Cadiz, withall sails set, amidst the acclamations of an immense crowd of peopleand on the 1st of October, they cast anchor at the island of Ferro,the most westerly of the Canary group. On sailing again, the fleetwas favoured by wind and sea, and after twenty-three days ofnavigation came in sight of new land. At sunrise on the 3rd ofNovember, being the Sunday in the octave of All Saints, the pilot ofthe flag-ship, the Marie-Galante, cried out, "Good news, there island." This land proved to be an island covered with trees; theadmiral, thinking it uninhabited, did not stop; but, after passingseveral scattered islets, he arrived before a second island. Thefirst he named Dominica, the second Marie-Galante, names which theyretain to the present day. The next day a still larger island was insight, and, says the narrative of this voyage given by Peter Martyr,the contemporary of Columbus, "When they were arrived, they saw itwas the island of the infamous cannibals, or Caribbees, of whom theyhad only heard a rumour during the first voyage."

The Spaniards, well armed, landed upon the shore, where they foundabout thirty circular houses built of wood and covered with palmleaves. In the interior of the huts were suspended hammocks made ofcotton. In the centre of the village were placed two trees or postsaround which were entwined the dead bodies of two serpents. At theapproach of the strangers the natives fled in haste, leaving behindthem several prisoners whom they were preparing to devour. Thesailors searched the houses, and found both leg and arm bones, headsso newly cut off that the blood was still moist, and other humanremains, which left no doubt as to the food consumed by theseCaribbees. This island, which, with its principal rivers, theadmiral caused to be partially explored, was named Guadaloupe, onaccount of the resemblance it bore to one of the Spanish provinces.Some Indian women were carried off by the sailors, but, after havingbeen kindly treated on board the admiral's ship, they were sent backto land, Columbus hoping that this conduct towards the females wouldinduce the men of the place to come on board, but in this he wasdisappointed.

The sailors find some recently-severed heads.

On the 8th of November the signal for departure was given, and thewhole fleet sailed for Hispaniola, the present San Domingo, and theisland upon which Columbus had left thirty-nine of the companions ofhis first voyage. In turning again towards the north, a large islandwas discovered, to which the natives who had been kept on boardafter having been saved from the jaws of the Caribbees, gave thename of Mandanino. They declared that it was inhabited only by women,and as Marco Polo had mentioned an Asiatic country which possessedan exclusively feminine population, Columbus was confirmed in theidea that he was sailing upon the coast of Asia. He felt a greatdesire to explore this island, but the contrary winds completelyprevented his doing so. Thirty miles from thence an island was seensurrounded by high mountains; it received the name of Montserrat; onthe next day another, which was called Santa-Maria la Rodonda; andon the day following two more islands, St. Martin and Santa Cruz.

The squadron anchored before Santa Cruz, to take in water. Thereoccurred a scene of grave import, reported by Peter Martyr in suchexpressive words, that we cannot do better than quote them: "Theadmiral," he says, "ordered thirty men from his ship to go ashoreand explore the island; and these men, being landed on the coast,were aware of four dogs and as many young men and women comingtowards them, extending their arms in supplication, and praying forhelp and deliverance from the cruel people. The cannibals on seeingthis fled, as in the island of Guadaloupe, and all retired into theforests. And our people remained two days on the island to visit it.

"During that time, those who had remained with the boat saw a canoecoming towards them from a distance, containing eight men and asmany women; to these our people made signs; but they on approaching,began to transpierce ours with their arrows, before they had time tocover themselves with their bucklers, so that one Spaniard waskilled by a shaft aimed by a woman, who also transfixed another witha second arrow. These savages had poisoned arrows, the poison beingcontained in the tip; amongst them was a woman whom all the othersobeyed, bowing before her. And this was, as they conjectured, aqueen, having a son of cruel appearance, robust, and with the faceof a lion, who followed her.

"Ours then, considering that it was better to fight hand to hand,than to wait for greater evils in thus fighting at a distance,advanced their boat by rowing, and by so great violence did theymake it move forward, that the stern of the said boat came with suchvelocity, it caused the enemies' canoe to founder.

"But these Indians, being very good swimmers, without movingthemselves either more slowly or more rapidly, did not cease, bothmen and women, to shoot arrows with all their might, at our people.And they succeeded in reaching, by swimming, a rock covered with thewater, upon which they mounted, and still fought manfully.Nevertheless, they were finally taken, and one of them slain, andthe son of the queen, pierced in two places; when they were taken tothe admiral's ship they showed no less ferociousness and atrocity ofmien, than if they had been lions of Libya who felt themselves takenin the net. And such were they that no man could have even lookedupon them without his heart trembling with horror, so greatly wastheir look hideous, terrible, and infernal."

From all this it is clear that the strife between the Indians andthe Europeans was beginning to be serious. Columbus sailed againtowards the north, going in the midst of islands "pleasant andinnumerable," covered with forests overshadowed by mountains ofvarious hues. This collection of islands was called the Archipelagoof the Eleven Thousand Virgins. Soon appeared the island of St. JohnBaptist (now Porto Rico), a place infested by Caribbees, butcultivated with care, and appearing truly superb from its immensewoods. Some sailors landed upon the shore, but only found there adozen uninhabited huts. The admiral put to sea again, and sailedalong the southern coast of Porto Rico for about one hundred andfifty miles.

On Friday, the 12th of November, Columbus at last reached the islandof Hispaniola. With what emotions must he not have been agitated inrevisiting the theatre of his first success, in seeking to beholdthat fortress in which he had left his companions! What might nothave happened in the course of a year to those Europeans left alonein this barbarous land? Soon a great canoe, bringing the brother ofthe Cacique Guacanagari, came alongside of the Marie-Galante, andthe Indian prince springing on board, offered two images of gold tothe admiral. Still Columbus sought for his fortress, but, althoughhe had anchored opposite its site, there was no trace whatever to beseen of it. With feelings of the deepest anxiety as to the fate ofhis companions, he went on shore. What was his dismay, when he foundnothing left of the fortress but a few ashes! What could have becomeof his compatriots? Had their lives been the forfeit of this firstattempt at colonization? The admiral ordered the simultaneousdischarge of the cannon from all the ships to announce his arrivalat Hispaniola. But none of his companions appeared. Columbus, indespair, immediately despatched messengers to the CaciqueGuacanagari; who, on their return brought sad news. If Guacanagarimight be believed, some other caciques, irritated by the presence ofthe foreigners in their island, had attacked the unfortunatecolonists, and had massacred them to the last man. Guacanagarihimself had received a wound in endeavouring to defend them, and tocorroborate his story he showed his leg enveloped in a cottonbandage.

Columbus did not believe in this intervention of the cacique, but,resolving to dissimulate, he welcomed Guacanagari kindly when hecame on board the next day; the cacique accepted an image of theVirgin, suspending it on his bosom. He appeared astonished at thesight of the horses which they showed him, these animals having beenhitherto quite unknown to himself and his companions. When his visitwas over, he returned to the shore, regained the region of mountains,and was seen no more.

The admiral then despatched one of his captains with three hundredmen under his orders, to scour the country and carry off the cacique.This captain penetrated far into the interior, but found no tracesof the cacique, nor of the unfortunate colonists. During thisexcursion, a great river was discovered, and also a fine shelteredharbour, which was named Port Royal. However, in spite of the badsuccess of his first attempt, Columbus had resolved to found a newcolony upon this island, which appeared to be rich both in gold andsilver. The natives constantly spoke of mines situated in theprovince of Cibao, and in the month of January two gentlemen, Alonzode Hojeda and Corvalan, set out accompanied by a numerous escort toverify these assertions. They discovered four rivers havingauriferous sands, and brought back with them a nugget which weighednine ounces. The admiral on seeing these riches was confirmed in hisidea that Hispaniola was the famous Ophir, spoken of in the Book ofKings. After looking for a site upon which to build a town, he laidthe foundation of Isabella in a spot at the mouth of a river whichformed a harbour, and at a distance of thirty miles east from MonteChristi. On the Feast of the Epiphany, thirteen priests officiatedin the church in presence of an immense crowd of natives.

Columbus was now anxious to send news of the colony to the King andQueen of Spain. Twelve ships laden with gold collected in the island,and with various specimens of the produce of the soil, were preparedto return to Europe under the command of Captain Torrès. Thisflotilla set sail on the 2nd of February, 1494, and a short timeafterwards Columbus sent back one more of the five ships whichremained to him, with the Lieutenant Bernard of Pisa, against whomhe had cause of complaint.

As soon as order was established in the colony of Isabella, theadmiral, leaving his brother behind as governor, set out,accompanied by five hundred men, to visit the mines of Cibao. Thecountry they traversed seemed to be splendidly fertile; vegetablescame to perfection in thirteen days; corn sown in February was infull ear in April, and each year yielded two abundant harvests. Theycrossed successively mountains and valleys, where often the pick-axehad to be used to clear a way over these still virgin lands; at lastthe Spaniards arrived at Cibao. There the admiral caused a fort tobe constructed of wood and stone on a hill near the brink of a largeriver; it was surrounded with a deep ditch, and Columbus bestowedupon it the name of St. Thomas, in derision of some of his officerswho were incredulous upon the subject of the gold-mines. It illbecame them to doubt, for from all parts the natives brought nuggetsand gold dust, which they were eager to exchange for beads, andabove all for the hawks' bells, of which the silvery sound excitedthem to dance. This country was not only a land of gold, it was alsoa country rich in spices and aromatic gums, the trees which borethem forming quite large forests. The Spaniards considered theconquest of this wealthy island a cause of unmixed congratulation.

Columbus left fifty-six men to guard the Fort of St. Thomas, underthe command of Don Pedro de Margarita, while he returned to Isabella,towards the beginning of April, being much hindered on the road byexcessive rain. On his arrival he found the infant colony in greatdisorder; famine was threatening from the want of flour, which couldnot be obtained, for there were no mills; both soldiers and workmenwere exhausted with fatigue. Columbus sought to oblige the gentlemento aid them; but these proud Hidalgos, anxious as they were toconquer fortune, would not stoop to pick it up, and refused toperform any manual labour. The priests upholding them in thisconduct, Columbus, who was forced to act with vigour, was obliged toplace the churches under an interdict. He could not spare time toremain any longer at Isabella, but was in haste to make furtherdiscoveries; therefore, having formed a council, composed of threegentlemen and the chief of the missionaries, under the presidency ofDon Diego, to govern the colony, he set out on the 24th of Aprilwith three vessels, to complete the cycle of his discoveries.

The flotilla sailing towards the south, a new island was soondiscovered, which was called by the natives Jamaica. The highestpoint of the island was a mountain of which the sides sloped gentlydown. The inhabitants appeared clever, and much given to themechanical arts, but they were far from pacific in character, andseveral times opposed the landing of the Spaniards, who, however,repulsed them, and at length the savages were induced to conclude atreaty of alliance with the admiral. From Jamaica Columbus pushedhis researches more towards the west. He imagined himself to bearrived at the point where the old geographers placed the goldenregion of the west, Chersonesus. Strong currents carried him towardsCuba, along whose coast he sailed for a distance of six hundred andsixty-six miles. During this dangerous navigation amongst shallowsand narrow passages, he named more than seven hundred islands,discovered a great number of harbours, and often entered intocommunication with the natives.

Fishermen on the coast of Cuba.

In the month of May, the look-out-men on board the ships descried alarge number of grassy islands, fertile and inhabited. Columbus, onapproaching the shore, entered a river, of which the water was sowarm that the hand could not remain in it, a fact evidently ofexaggeration, and one which later researches have not authenticated.The fishermen of this coast employed a certain fish called theRemora or sucking-fish, "which fulfilled for them the same office asthe dog does for the hunter. This fish was of an unknown species,having a body like a great eel, and upon the back of his head a verytenacious skin, in fashion like a purse, wherewith to take thefishes. They keep this fish fastened by a cord to the boat, alwaysin the water, for it cannot bear the look of the air. And whenthey see a fish or a turtle, which there are larger than greatbucklers, then they loose the fish by slackening the rope. And whenhe feels himself at liberty, suddenly, and more rapidly than theflight of an arrow, he (the remora) assails the said fish or turtle,throws over him his skin in the manner of a purse, and holds hisprey so firmly, be it fish or turtle, by the part visible beyond theshell, that none can wrest it from him, if he be not drawn to thesurface of the water; the cord is therefore pulled up, and gatheredin little by little; and no sooner does he see the splendour of theair, than incontinent he lets go of his prey. And the fishermendescend as far as is necessary to take the prey, and they put it onboard the boat, and fasten the fish-hunter with as much of rope asis necessary for him to regain his old position and place; then, bymeans of another rope, they give him for reward a small piece of theflesh of his prey."

The exploration of the coasts continued towards the west. Theadmiral visited several countries, in which abounded goslings, ducks,herons, and those dumb dogs which the natives eat, as we should kids,and which were probably either almigui or racoons. As the shipsadvanced, the sandy channels became narrower and narrower, andnavigation more and more difficult, but the admiral adhered to hisresolution of continuing the exploration of these coasts. One day,he imagined he saw upon a point of land some men dressed in white,whom he took for brothers of the order of Santa Maria de la Merced;he sent some sailors to open communication with them, when it provedto be simply an optical illusion; these so-called monks turning outto be great tropical herons, to whom distance had lent theappearance of human beings.

During the first days of June, Columbus was obliged to stop torepair the ships, of which the keels were much damaged by theshallow water on the coast. On the seventh day of the month hecaused a solemn mass to be celebrated on the shore: during theservice an old cacique arrived, who, the ceremony being over,offered the admiral some fruits, and then this native sovereignpronounced some words which the interpreters thus translated:—

"It hath been told us after what manner thou hast invested andenveloped with thy power these lands, which were to you unknown, andhow thy presence has caused great terror to the people and theinhabitants. But I hold it my duty to exhort and to warn thee thattwo roads present themselves before the souls, when they areseparated from the bodies: the one, filled with shadows and sadnessdestined for those who are harmful and hurtful to the human species;the other, pleasant and delightful, reserved for those who in theirlife-time have loved peace and the repose of the people. Therefore,if thou rememberest that thou art mortal, and that the futureretribution will be meted out according to the works of the presentlife, thou wilt take care to do harm to nobody." What philosopher ofancient or modern time could have spoken better or in sounderlanguage! All the human side of Christianity is expressed in thesemagnificent words, and they came from the mouth of a savage!Columbus and the cacique separated, charmed with one another, andthe more astonished of the two was not, perhaps, the old native. Therest of his tribe appeared to live in the practice of the excellentprecepts indicated by their chief. Land was common property amongstthe natives, as much so as sun, air, and water. The Meum and Tuum,cause of all strife, did not exist amongst them, and they livedcontent with little. "They enjoy the Golden Age," says the narrative,"they protect not their possessions with ditches and hedges, theyleave their gardens open; without laws, without books, withoutjudges, they by nature follow what is right, and hold as bad andunjust whatever sins against, or causes harm to another."

Leaving Cuba, Columbus returned towards Jamaica, and sailed alongthe whole of the southern coast as far as the eastern extremity ofthe island. His intention was to attack the islands of the Caribbees,and destroy that mischievous brood. But the admiral was at this timeseized with an illness, brought on by watching and fatigue, whichobliged him to suspend his projects. He was forced to return toIsabella, where, under the influence of good air and repose, and thecare of his brother and his friends, he recovered his health. Thecolony greatly needed his presence. The governor of St. Thomas hadaroused the indignation of the natives by his cruel exactions, andhad refused to listen to the remonstrances upon the subjectaddressed to him by Don Diego, the brother of Columbus; he hadreturned to Isabella from St. Thomas during the absence of theadmiral and he embarked for Spain upon one of the ships which hadjust brought Don Bartolomeo, the second brother of Columbus, toHispaniola. When the admiral regained his health he resolved topunish the cacique who had revolted against the governor of St.Thomas, feeling that it would be unwise to allow his authority, inthe person of his delegates, to be set at nought. In the first placehe sent nine men well armed to take prisoner a bold cacique namedCaonabo. The leader Hojeda, with an intrepidity of which we shallhave further instances in the future, carried off the cacique fromthe midst of his own people, and brought him prisoner to Isabella.Columbus afterwards sent Caonabo to Europe, but the ship in which hesailed was wrecked during the voyage, and he was never heard of more.

In the meantime, Antonio de Torrès, sent by the King and Queen ofSpain to compliment Columbus in their names, arrived at San Domingowith four vessels. Ferdinand declared himself highly content withthe successes of the admiral, and informed him that he was about toestablish a monthly service of transport between Spain andHispaniola.

The carrying off of Caonabo had excited a general revolt amongst thenatives, who burned to revenge the chief, so deeply insulted andunjustly carried away. The Cacique Guacanagari, notwithstanding theshare he had had in the murder of the first colonists, aloneremained faithful to the Spaniards. Columbus, accompanied by hisbrother Bartolomeo and the cacique, marched against the rebels andsoon met with an army of natives, the numbers of which, withmanifest exaggeration, he places at 100,000 men. However numerous itmay have been, this army was quickly routed by a small detachment,composed of 200 infantry, twenty-five cavalry, and twenty-five dogs.This victory to all appearance re-established the admiral'sauthority. The Indians were condemned to pay tribute to theSpaniards, those living near the mines were ordered to furnish everythree months a small quantity of gold, while the others, moredistant, were to contribute twenty-five pounds of cotton. Butrebellion had been only curbed, not extinguished. At the voice of awoman, Anacaona, widow of Caonabo, the natives rose a second time;and even succeeded in drawing over the hitherto faithful Guacanagarito their side; the rebels destroyed all the fields of maize, andeverything else which had been planted, and then retired into themountains. The Spaniards, seeing themselves thus reduced to all thehorrors of famine, indulged their anger by terrible reprisalsagainst the natives; it is calculated that one-third of the islandpopulation perished from hunger, sickness, and the weapons of thecompanions of Columbus. These unfortunate Indians paid dearly indeedfor their intercourse with the conquering Europeans.

The good fortune of Columbus was by this time on the wane. While hisauthority in Hispaniola was continually more and more compromised,his reputation and his character were the objects of violent attackin Europe. The officers whom he had sent back to the mother country,loudly accused him of injustice and cruelty; they even insinuatedthat he sought to render himself independent of the king; andagainst all these attacks, Columbus, being absent, could not defendhimself. Ferdinand, influenced by this unworthy discourse, chose acommissioner, whom he ordered to proceed to the West Indies and toexamine into the truth of the accusations. This gentleman was namedJuan d'Aguado, and the choice of such a man to fulfil such a mission,possessing as he did a mind both prejudiced and partial, was not ahappy one. Aguado arrived at Isabella in the month of October, atthe time when the admiral was absent on an exploring expedition, andbegan at once to treat the brother of Columbus with extremehaughtiness, while Diego on his side, relying upon his title ofgovernor-general, refused to submit to the commands of the royalcommissioner. Aguado soon considered himself ready to return toSpain, although the examination he had made was a most incompleteone, when a fearful hurricane occurred, which sank the vessels whichhad brought him over in the harbour. There now remained only twocaravels at Hispaniola, but Columbus, who had returned to the colony,acting with a greatness of soul which cannot be too much admired,placed one of these ships at the disposal of the commissioner, withthe proviso that he himself would embark in the other, to plead hiscause in person before the king.

So matters stood, when the news arriving of the discovery of freshgold-mines in Hispaniola, caused the admiral to put off hisdeparture. Covetousness was a power strong enough to cut short alldiscussions; there was no longer any mention of the King of Spain,nor of the inquiry which he had ordered; officers were sent off tothe new auriferous ground, finding there nuggets of which someweighed as much as twenty ounces, and a lump of amber of the weightof 300 pounds. Columbus ordered two fortresses to be erected for theprotection of the miners, one on the boundary of the province ofCibao, the other upon the banks of the River Hayna. Having takenthis precaution, he set out for Europe, full of eagerness to justifyhimself. The two caravels sailed from the harbour of St. Isabella onthe 10th of March, 1496. On board of the admiral's ship were 225persons and thirty Indians. On the 9th of April he touched atMarie-Galante, and on the 10th at Guadaloupe, to take in water; herethere occurred a sharp skirmish with the natives. On the 20th heleft this inhospitable island, and for a whole month he had tocontend with contrary winds. On the 11th of June land was sighted inEurope, and on the next day the caravels entered the harbour ofCadiz.

This second return of the great navigator was not welcomed, as thefirst had been, by the acclamations of the populace. To enthusiasmhad succeeded coldness and envy; the companions even of the admiraltook part against him. Discouraged as they were, with illusionsdestroyed, and not bringing back that wealth, for the acquisition ofwhich they had encountered so many dangers, and submitted to so muchfatigue, they became unjust, and forgot that it was not the fault ofColumbus if the mines hitherto worked had been a source of expenserather than of profit.

However, the admiral was received at court with a certain measure offavour, the narrative of his second voyage doing much to reinstatehim in public opinion. And who could deny that during thatexpedition he had discovered the islands of Dominica, Marie-Galante,Guadaloupe, Montserrat, Santa-Maria, Santa Cruz, Porto Rico,Jamaica? Had he not also carried out a new survey of Cuba and SanDomingo? Columbus fought bravely against his adversaries, evenemploying against them the weapon of irony. To those who denied themerit of his discoveries, he proposed the experiment of making anegg remain upright while resting upon one end, and when they couldnot succeed in doing this, the admiral, breaking the top of theshell, made the egg stand upon the broken part. "You had not thoughtof that," said he; "but behold! it is done."

Third Voyage: Madeira—Santiago in the Cape VerdArchipelago—Trinidad—First sight of the American Coast in Venezuela, beyond theOrinoco, now the Province of Cumana—Gulf of Paria—TheGardens—Tobago—Grenada—Margarita—Cubaga—Hispaniola during the absence ofColumbus—Foundation of the town of San Domingo—Arrival ofColumbus—Insubordination in the Colony—Complaints inSpain—Bovadilla sent by the king to inquire into the conduct ofColumbus—Columbus sent to Europe in fetters with his two brothers—Hisappearance before Ferdinand and Isabella—Renewal of royal favour.

Columbus had not yet given up the hope of pursuing his conquests onthe further side of the Atlantic Ocean. No fatigue, no injusticefrom his fellow-men could stop him. After having triumphed, althoughnot without difficulty, over the malice of his enemies, he succeededin organizing a third expedition under the auspices of the Spanishgovernment. The king granted him eight vessels, forty cavalrysoldiers, and one hundred infantry, sixty sailors, twenty miners,fifty labourers, twenty workmen of various trades, thirty women,some doctors, and even some musicians. The admiral obtained theconcession besides, that all the punishments in use in Spain shouldbe changed into transportation to the islands. He was thus theprecursor of the English in the intelligent idea of peopling newcolonies with convicts, whom labour was to reform.

Embarkation of Christopher Columbus.

Columbus put to sea on the 30th of May, 1498, although he was stillsuffering from gout, and from the various mental trials which he hadexperienced since his return. Before starting, he learnt that aFrench fleet was lying in wait off Cape St. Vincent, with thepurpose of hindering the expedition. To avoid it, Columbus made forMadeira, and anchored there; from that island he dispatched all hisvessels, except three, to Hispaniola under the command of theCaptains Pedro de Arana, Alonzo Sanchez of Carabajal, and JuanAntonio Columbus, one of his own relations, while he, with a largeship and two caravels bore down to the south with the intention ofcrossing the equator, and seeking for more southern countries, which,according to the general opinion, must be even richer in all kindsof productions. On the 27th of June the small flotilla touched atthe islands of Sel and of Santiago, which form part of the Cape Verdgroup. It sailed again on the 4th of July, and made 360 miles to thesouth-west, experiencing long calms and intense heat; on arrivingabreast of Sierra Leone, it steered due west, and at mid-day on the31st of July, one of the sailors raised the cry of "land." It was anisland situated at the north-eastern extremity of South America, andvery near the coast. The admiral gave it the name of Trinidad, andall the crews chanted the Salve Regina in sign of thankfulness. Onthe morrow, the 1st of August, at fifteen miles from the part of theland which had been first seen, the three vessels were moored nearto the Point of Alcatraz, and the admiral sent some of his sailorsashore to obtain water and wood. The coast appeared to beuninhabited, but numerous footprints of animals were observed, made,as was thought, by goats.

On the 2nd of August a long canoe, manned by twenty-four natives,came towards the ships. These Indians, tall of stature, and paler incolour than those of Hispaniola, wore upon the head a turban formedof a cotton scarf of brilliant colours, and a small skirt of thesame material around the body. The Spaniards endeavoured to enticethem on board, by showing them mirrors and glass trinkets; thesailors even executing lively dances, in the hope of inspiring themwith confidence; but the savages, taking fright at the sound of atambourine, which seemed to them a sign of hostility, discharged aflight of arrows, and directed their canoe towards one of thecaravels, whose pilot endeavoured to reassure them by steeringtowards them; but in vain, the canoe soon made off, and was seen nomore.

Columbus again set sail, and discovered a new island which he calledGracia; but what he imagined to be an island, was, in reality, aportion of the American coast, and that part of the shore ofVenezuela, which, being intersected by the numerous branches of theOrinoco, forms the Delta of that river. On this day the Continent ofAmerica, although unknown to him, was really discovered byChristopher Columbus, in that part of Venezuela which goes by thename of the Province of Cumana. Between this coast and the Island ofTrinidad there is a dangerous gulf, the Gulf of Paria, in which aship can with difficulty resist the currents which flow towards thewest with great rapidity. The admiral, who believed himself to be inthe open sea, was exposed to great peril in this gulf, where therivers, falling into the sea from the continent, and being swollenat that time by an accidental flood, poured great masses of waterupon the ships. Columbus, in writing to the king and queen,describes this incident in the following terms:—

"Being up on deck, at an advanced hour of the night, I heard a kindof terrible roaring; I tried to see through the darkness, and all atonce I beheld a sea like a hill, as high as the ship, advancingslowly from the south towards my vessels. Opposing this great wavewas a current, which met it with a frightful noise. I had no doubtthen that we should be engulfed, and even now the remembrance causesme a feeling of horror. By good fortune, however, the current andthe wave passed us, going towards the mouth of the canal, where,after long strife, they gradually sank to rest."

Notwithstanding the difficulties of the navigation, Columbuscontinued to explore this sea, of which the waters became graduallycalmer as he sailed northwards; he discovered various headlands, oneof them was to the east of the Island of Trinidad, and called theCape of Pera Blanca. Another was on the west of the promontory ofParia, and named Cape Lapa. Several harbours were also noticed,amongst others one situated at the mouth of the Orinoco, to whichwas given the name of the Port of Monkeys. Columbus landed on theshore, west of Point Cumana, and received a kindly welcome from thenumerous inhabitants. Towards the west, beyond the point of Alcatraz,the country was magnificent, and there according to the natives,much gold and pearls were to be obtained. Here the admiral wouldgladly have remained for some time if he could have found a safeanchorage. But as this was impossible, he felt it best to make forPort Isabella, especially as his crews were worn down by fatigue,and his own health much affected, besides the sufferings heexperienced from the bad state of his eyesight. So he sailed onwardsalong the Venezuelan coast, making friends as far as possible withthe natives. These Indians were agreeable in feature, and ofmagnificent physique; their dwellings displayed a certain amount oftaste, their houses being built with façades in front, andcontaining articles of furniture ingeniously made. The natives woreplates of gold as ornaments upon their necks. As to the country, itwas superb; the rivers, the mountains, the immense forests made it areal land of delight. So the admiral gave this beautiful country thename of Gracia, and by many arguments he tried to prove that in thisspot was situated that terrestrial Paradise once inhabited by Adamand Eve, being the cradle of the whole human race. To explain to acertain degree this idea of the great navigator, we must not forgetthat he imagined himself all this time to be on the shores of Asia.This spot which delighted him so much, he called "the Gardens."

On the 23rd of August, after having at the expense of much dangerand fatigue, overcome the perils of this bay, Columbus issued fromthe Gulf of Paria by the narrow strait to which he gave the name,retained to this day, of the Dragon's Mouth. Arrived in the open sea,the Spaniards discovered the Island of Tobago situated to thenorth-east of Trinidad, and then, more to the north, the Island ofConception, now known as Grenada. They next steered to thesouth-west and returned towards the American coast; after sailingalong which for 120 miles, they discovered, on the 25th of August,the populous Island of Margarita, and afterwards the Island ofCubaga, situated very close to the mainland. At this place thenatives had established a pearl-fishery, and busied themselves incollecting this valuable product. Columbus sent a boat on shore,when a very profitable traffic was carried on, the natives giving inexchange for broken pottery or hawks' bells, pounds' weight ofpearls, some of which were very large, and of the finest water.

Pearl-fishers.

The admiral stopped at this point of his discoveries; the temptationwas strong to explore this country, but both officers and crews wereexhausted. Orders were therefore given to start for San Domingo,where matters of the gravest moment demanded the presence ofColumbus. Before his departure from Hispaniola he had authorized hisbrother to lay the foundations of a new town. With this end DonBartolomeo had explored the different portions of the island, andhaving discovered at the distance of 150 miles from Isabella amagnificent harbour at the mouth of a fine river, he there markedout the first streets of a town which became later on the city ofSan Domingo. Here Don Bartolomeo fixed his residence, while DonDiego remained as Governor of Isabella. By this arrangementColumbus' two brothers had the whole administration of the colony intheir hands. But there were many malcontents who were ready torevolt against their authority, and it was while this bad spirit wasabroad that the admiral arrived at San Domingo. He approved of allthat his brothers had done, their administration having been in fact,marked by great wisdom, and he published a proclamation recalling totheir obedience the Spaniards who had revolted. On the 18th ofOctober he despatched five ships to Spain, and with them an officercommissioned to inform the king of the new discoveries, and of thestate of the colony, endangered by the fomenters of disorder.

Meanwhile, the affairs of Columbus had taken a bad turn in Europe.Since his departure calumnies against himself and his brothers hadbeen ever on the increase. Some rebels who had been expelled thecolony, denounced the encroaching dynasty of the Columbus family,thus exciting the jealousy of a vain and ungrateful monarch. Eventhe queen, until now the constant patroness of the Genoese navigator,was indignant at the arrival on board the vessels of three hundredIndians who had been torn from their country, and who were treatedas slaves. Isabella did not know that this abuse of power had beencarried out unknown to Columbus and during his absence; he was heldresponsible for it, and to inquire into his conduct, the Court sentto Hispaniola a commander of the order of Calatrava, named Francisde Bovadilla, to whom were given the titles of Governor-general, andIntendant of Justice. He was in reality meant to supersede Columbus.Bovadilla, invested with discretionary powers, set out with twocaravels towards the end of June, 1500. On the 23rd of August, thecolonists sighted the two ships, which were then endeavouring toenter the harbour of San Domingo.

At this time Christopher Columbus and his brother Bartolomeo wereabsent, engaged in superintending the erection of a fort in theprovince of Xaragua; Don Diego was commanding in their absence.Bovadilla landed and went to hear mass, displaying during theceremony a very significant ostentation; then, having summoned DonDiego before him, he ordered him to resign his office into his hands.The admiral, warned by a messenger of what was occurring, arrived ingreat haste. He examined the letters patent brought by Bovadilla,and having read them, he declared his willingness to recognize himas intendant of justice, but not as governor-general of the colony.

Then Bovadilla gave him a letter from the king and queen, couched inthe following terms:—

"Don Christopher Columbus, our Admiral in the ocean,

"We have ordered Commander Don Francis Bovadilla to explain to youour intentions. We command you to give credit to, and to execute,whatever he shall order on our part.

"I, THE KING, I, THE QUEEN."

In this letter, the title of Viceroy appertaining to Columbus by thesolemn conventions signed by Ferdinand and Isabella, was not evenmentioned. Columbus, suppressing his just indignation, quietlysubmitted. Then arose against the fallen admiral a whole host offalse friends. All those who owed their fortune to Columbus turnedagainst him; accusing him of having desired to render himselfindependent. Foolish calumnies! How could this idea have occurred tothe mind of a foreigner, a Genoese, alone in the midst of a Spanishcolony!

Bovadilla found the moment propitious for harsh measures. Don Diegowas already imprisoned, and the governor soon ordered Don Bartolomeoand Christopher Columbus himself to be put in fetters. The admiral,accused of high treason, was placed with his two brothers on board avessel bound for Spain, under the command of Alphonso de Villejo.That officer, a man of feeling, and ashamed of the treatment towhich Columbus was exposed, wished to strike off his chains; butColumbus refused. He, the conqueror of a new world, would arriveloaded with chains in that kingdom of Spain, which he had so greatlyenriched!

Columbus bound like a felon.

The admiral judged rightly in thus acting, for public opinion wasrevolted by the sight of him in this depth of humiliation, boundlike a felon, and treated as a criminal. Gratitude towards the manof genius asserted itself against the bad passions which had been sounjustly excited, and there arose a cry of indignation againstBovadilla. The king and queen, swayed by the feelings of the people,loudly blamed the conduct of the commander, and addressed anaffectionate letter to Columbus, inviting him to present himself atcourt.

Thus a bright day again dawned for Columbus. He appeared beforeFerdinand, not as the accused, but as himself the accuser; then, hisfortitude giving way under the remembrance of the unworthy treatmenthe had experienced, this unfortunate great man wept, and causedthose around to weep with him. He pointed proudly to the story ofhis life. He showed himself to be almost without resources, he whomthey accused of ambition, and of enriching himself out of thegovernment of the colony! Verily, the man who had made the discoveryof a world, did not possess a roof to shelter his own head!

Isabella, ever good and compassionate, wept in company with the oldsailor, and for sometime could not make him any answer, so chokedwas she with her tears. At length she was able to utter someaffectionate words; in assuring Columbus of her protection, shepromised to avenge him of his enemies; she excused the bad choicethey had made in sending this Bovadilla to the islands, and shedeclared he should expiate his guilt by an exemplary punishment. Inaddition, she desired the admiral to allow some time to elapsebefore returning to his government, in order that the mindsprejudiced against him might return to sentiments of honour andjustice.

The mind of Christopher Columbus was calmed by the gracious words ofthe queen; he showed himself content with his reception, andadmitted the necessity of the delay enjoined upon him by Isabella.The chief wish of his heart was again to serve his adopted countryand its sovereigns, and he sketched out grand designs of what stillremained to be attempted in the way of discovery. His third voyage,in spite of its short duration, had not been without fruit, but hadenriched the map with such new names as Trinidad, the Gulf of Paria,the coast of Cumana, the Islands of Tobago, of Grenada, of Margarita,and of Cubaga.

Fourth Voyage: A Flotilla of four vessels—CanaryIslands—Martinique—Dominica—Santa-Cruz—Porto-Rico—Hispaniola—Jamaica—CaymanIsland—Pinos Island—Island of Guanaja—Cape Honduras—TheAmerican Coast of Truxillo on the Gulf of Darien—The LimonareIslands—Huerta—The Coast of Veragua—Auriferous Strata—Revolt ofthe Natives—The Dream of Columbus—Porto-Bello—The Mulatas—Puttinginto port at Jamaica—Distress—Revolt of the Spaniardsagainst Columbus—Lunar Eclipse—Arrival of Columbus at Hispaniola—Returnof Columbus to Spain—His death, on the 20th of March, 1506.

Christopher Columbus saw himself now reinstated in favour, as hedeserved to be, at the court of Ferdinand and Isabella. Perhaps theking may have still evinced a certain degree of coldness towards him,but the queen was his avowed and enthusiastic protectress. Hisofficial title as viceroy had not, however, been restored to him,but the admiral, with his usual magnanimity, did not demand it. Hehad the satisfaction of seeing Bovadilla deposed, partly for hisabuse of power, and partly because his conduct towards the Indianshad become atrocious; his inhuman proceedings towards them beingpushed to such a length, that under his administration the nativepopulation of Hispaniola, sensibly decreased.

During this time the island began to fulfil the hopes of Columbus,who had prophesied that in three years the crown would derive fromit a revenue of sixty millions. Gold was obtained in abundance fromthe best worked mines; a slave had dug up on the banks of the Hayna,a mass, equal in weight to 3600 golden crowns; it was easy toforesee that the new colonies would yield incalculable riches.

The admiral, who could not bear to remain inactive, earnestlydemanded to be sent on a fourth voyage, although he was by this timesixty-six years of age. In support of his request he adduced somevery plausible reasons. One year before the return of Columbus, thePortuguese navigator, Vasco da Gama, had returned from the Indies,after having doubled the Cape of Good Hope. Columbus felt certainthat by sailing to India by the much safer and shorter western route,the Spaniards might enter into profitable competition with thePortuguese traders. He constantly maintained, believing as he didthat he had been alongside the Asiatic territory, that the islandsand continents discovered by him were only separated by a straitfrom the Moluccas. He therefore wished, without even returning toHispaniola and the colonies already settled, to direct his course atonce to the Indies. It is evident that the ex-Viceroy had againbecome the hardy navigator of his earlier years. The king agreed tothe admiral's request, and placed him in command of a flotillacomposed of four vessels, the Santiago, Gallego, Vizcaino, and acaravel, as admiral's galley. These ships were of small tonnage, thelargest being only of seventy tons, and the smallest of fifty; theywere in fact, little better than coasting-vessels.

Columbus left Cadiz on the 9th of May, 1502, with crews numbering inall 150 men. He took with him his brother Bartolomeo, and his sonFernando, the child of his second marriage, and at this timescarcely thirteen years old. On the 20th of May, the vessels stoppedat Gran Canaria, and on the 15th of June arrived at Martinique, oneof the Windward Islands; afterwards they touched at Dominica,Santa-Cruz, and Porto-Rico, and at length, after a prosperous voyage,reached Hispaniola, on the 29th of June. The intention of Columbus,acting on the queen's advice, was not to land upon the island whencehe had been so unworthily expelled; but his badly-constructed shipwas scarcely sea-worthy, and repairs to the keel were greatly needed.Therefore the admiral demanded permission of the governor to enterthe harbour.

The new governor, successor to Bovadilla, was a just and moderateman, a knight of the order of Alcantara, named Nicholas Ovando. Hisexcessive caution, however, made him fear that the presence ofColumbus in the colony might be a cause of disorder; he thereforethought it right to refuse the request. The admiral concealed theindignation which such treatment could not but cause him, andreturned good for evil, by offering wise counsel to the governor inthe following instance. The fleet which was to take Bovadilla backto Europe, and to bear with it, besides the enormous lump of goldalready mentioned, other treasures of great value, was ready to putto sea. But the weather was very threatening, and Columbus, with asailor's penetration, having observed the signs of an approachingstorm, implored the governor not to expose the ships and passengersto such danger. Ovando would not listen to the advice, and the shipsput to sea; scarcely had they reached the eastern point of theisland before a terrible hurricane arose, causing twenty-one of theships to founder with all on board. Bovadilla was drowned, and withhim the greater part of the enemies of Columbus, but by an exceptionwhich may be called providential, the ship which carried the poorremains of the admiral's fortune, escaped destruction. In this stormten millions' worth of gold and precious stones was engulfed by theocean.

Meanwhile, the four caravels of Columbus, denied access to theharbour, had been driven before the storm. They were separated onefrom the other, and disabled, but they succeeded in meeting togetheragain, and by the 14th of July, the squall had carried them withinsight of Jamaica. Arrived there, strong currents bore them towardsthe islands called the Queen's Garden, and then in the direction ofeast-south-east. The little flotilla contended for sixty daysagainst the wind without making more than 210 miles, and at lengthwas driven towards the coast of Cuba, which led to the discovery ofCayman and Pinos Islands.

Columbus then steered to the south-west, sailing upon seas hithertounvisited by any European ship, and throwing himself once more intothe course of discovery with all the passionate ardour of anavigator. Chance conducted him towards the southern coast ofAmerica; he discovered the island of Guanaja, on the 30th of July,and on the 14th of August he touched at Cape Honduras, that narrowstrip of land, which, prolonged by the Isthmus of Panama, unites thetwo continents of America. Thus, for the second time Columbus,without being aware of it, approached the real soil of America. Formore than nine months he followed the windings of these shores, inthe face of all kinds of perils and difficulties, and succeeded inlaying down the chart of the coast from the part since namedTruxillo, as far as the Gulf of Darien. Each night he cast anchor,that he might not be driven far from the shore, and at lengthreached that eastern extremity of the coast where it ends abruptlyin the Cape Gracias a Dios.

This cape was doubled on the 14th of September, but the shipsencountered contrary winds so violent, that even the admiral,himself the oldest sailor of the crews, had never before experiencedthe like. He relates this terrible episode in his letter to the kingof Spain in the following terms: "During eighty-four days the wavescontinued their assaults, nor did my eyes perceive sun, nor stars,nor any planet; the seams of my vessels gaped, my sails were torn;tackle, boats, rigging, all were lost; my sailors, ill andfrightened, devoted themselves to the pious duties of religion; noone failed to promise pilgrimages, and all confessed to each other,thinking that each moment might prove their last. I have seen manytempests, but never have I experienced any of such duration andviolence. Many of my men who passed for intrepid sailors, lostcourage; but that which broke my heart, was the pain of my son,whose tender age added to my despair, and whom I saw the prey ofgreater suffering, greater torments, than fell to the lot of any oneamongst us; but it was doubtless no other than God, who bestowedupon him such energy, that it was He alone who animated the courage,and reawakened the patience of the sailors under their severe toil;in a word, looking upon him, one might have fancied him a sailor whohad grown old in contending with storms, an astonishing fact, almostincredible, but one which awakened some gleam of joy amidst thesorrows which overwhelmed me. I was ill, and several times I thoughtmy last hour was near.... To complete my misery comes the thoughtthat twenty years of service, of fatigues and perils, have broughtme no profit, and I find myself to-day unpossessed of even a roof toshelter me in Spain, and forced to betake myself to an inn when Iwould obtain repose or food; and when there I often find myselfunable to pay my reckoning." Do not these lines indicate clearly theintensity of sorrow which overwhelmed the soul of Columbus? In themidst of such dangers and anxieties, how could he preserve theenergy needful to command an expedition?

Throughout the duration of the storm, the ships had been followingthe line of coast which successively bears the names of Honduras,Mosquito, Nicaragua, Costa-Rica, Veragua, and Panama, the twelveLimonare Islands being also discovered at this time, and at last, onthe 25th of September, Columbus cast anchor between the small islandof Huerta and the continent. On the 5th of October he again set sail,and after having taken the bearings of the Bay of Almirante, heanchored opposite to the village of Cariaz. There he remained untilthe 15th of October, the repairs of the vessels meanwhile goingactively forward.

Columbus now believed himself to be arrived near the mouth of theGanges, and from the natives speaking of a certain province ofCiguare, which was surrounded by the sea, he felt himself confirmedin this opinion. They declared that it was a country containing richgold-mines, of which the most important was situated seventy-fivemiles to the south. When the admiral again set sail, he followed thewooded coast of Veragua, where the Indians appeared to be very wild.On the 26th of November, the flotilla entered the harbour of ElRetrete, which is now the port of Escribanos. The ships battered bythe winds, were now in a most miserable plight; it was absolutelynecessary to repair the damage they had sustained, and for thispurpose to prolong the stay at El Retrete. Upon quitting thisharbour Columbus was met by a storm even more dreadful than thosewhich had preceded it: "During nine days," he says, "I remainedwithout hope of being saved. Never did any man see a more violent orterrible sea; it was covered with foam, the wind permitted no shipsto advance, nor to steer towards any cape; I was kept in that sea,of which the waves seemed to be of blood, and the surges boiled asthough heated by fire. Never have I seen so appalling an aspect ofthe heavens: on fire during one whole day and night like a furnace,they sent forth thunder and flame incessantly, and I feared eachmoment that the masts and sails would be carried away. The growlingof the thunder was so horrible that it appeared sufficient to crushour vessels; and during the whole time the rain fell with suchviolence that one could scarcely call it rain, but rather a secondDeluge. My sailors, overcome by so much trouble and suffering,prayed for death as putting a term to their miseries; my shipsopened in all directions, and boats, anchors, ropes, and sails wereonce again lost."

During this long and painful navigation, the admiral had sailed onethousand and fifty miles. His crews were by this time quiteexhausted; he was therefore obliged to turn back and to regain theriver of Veragua, but not being able to find safe shelter there forhis ships, he went a short distance off to the mouth of Bethlehemriver, now called the Yebra, in which he cast anchor on the feast ofthe Epiphany in the year 1503. On the morrow the tempest was againrenewed, and on the 24th of January, a sudden increase of water inthe river caused the cables which held the ships to snap, and thevessels were only saved with great trouble.

In spite of all this, the admiral, who never forgot the principalobject of his mission in these new countries, had succeeded inestablishing regular intercourse with the natives. The cacique ofBethlehem showed a friendly disposition, and pointed out a countryfifteen miles inland, where he said the gold-mines were very rich.On the 6th of February, Columbus despatched a force of seventy mento the spot indicated, under the command of his brother Bartolomeo.After travelling through a very undulating country, watered byrivers so winding that one of them had to be crossed thirty-ninetimes, the Spaniards arrived at the auriferous tracts. They wereimmense, and extended quite out of sight. Gold was so abundant thatone man alone could collect enough of it in ten days to fill ameasure. In four hours, Bartolomeo and his men had picked up gold toan enormous amount. They returned to the admiral, who, when he heardtheir narrative, resolved to settle upon this coast, and to havesome wooden barracks constructed.

Gold-mines in Cuba. From an old print.

The mines of this region were indeed of incomparable richness; theyappeared to be inexhaustible, and quite made Columbus forget Cubaand San Domingo. His letter to King Ferdinand evinces his enthusiasmon the subject; one may feel some astonishment at reading thefollowing sentiment from the pen of this great man, one indeed whichis neither that of a philosopher nor of a Christian. "Gold! gold!excellent thing! It is from gold that spring riches! it is by meansof gold that everything in the world is done, and its power sufficesoften to place souls in Paradise."

The Spaniards set to work with ardour to store up this gold in theirships. Hitherto the relations with the natives had been peaceable,although these people were of fierce disposition. But after a timethe cacique, irritated by the usurpation of the foreigners, resolvedto murder them and burn their dwellings. One day the nativessuddenly attacked the Spaniards in considerable force, and a verysevere battle ensued, ending in the repulse of the Indians. Thecacique had been taken prisoner with all his family, but hesucceeded with his children in escaping from custody, and tookrefuge in the mountains in company with a great number of hisfollowers. In the month of April, a considerable troop of thenatives again attacked the Spaniards, who exterminated a largeproportion of them.

Meanwhile, the health of Columbus became more and more enfeebled;the wind failed him for quitting the harbour, and he was in despair.One day, exhausted by fatigue, he fell asleep, and heard a pityingvoice which addressed him as follows:—words which shall be givenverbatim, for they bear the imprint of that kind of ecstaticreligious fervour which gives a finishing touch to the picture ofthe great navigator.

"'O foolish man! why such unwillingness to believe in and to servethy God, the God of the Universe? What did He more for Moses Hisservant, and for David? Since thy birth, has He not had for thee themost tender solicitude; and when he saw thee of an age in which Hisdesigns for thee could be matured, has He not made thy name resoundgloriously through the world? Has He not bestowed upon thee theIndies, the richest part of the earth? Has He not set thee free tomake an offering of them to Him according to thine own will? Who butHe has lent thee the means of executing His designs? Bounds wereplaced at the entrance of the ocean; they were formed of chainswhich could not be broken through. To thee were given the keys. Thypower was recognized in distant lands, and thy glory was proclaimedby all Christians. Did God even show Himself more favourable to thepeople of Israel, when He rescued them from Egypt? Did He favourDavid more, when from a shepherd boy He made him king of Judah? Turnto Him, confessing thy fault, for His compassion is infinite. Thineold age will prove no obstacle in the great actions which awaitthee: He holds in His hands a heritage the most brilliant. Was notAbraham a hundred years old, and had not Sarah already passed theflower of her youth when Isaac was born? Thou seekest an uncertainhelp. Answer me: who has exposed thee so often to so many dangers?Is it God, or the world? God never withholds the blessings promisedto His servants. It is not His manner after receiving a service topretend that His intentions have not been carried out, and to give anew interpretation to His desires; it is not He who seeks to give toarbitrary acts a favourable colour. His words are to be takenliterally; all that He promises He gives with usury. Thus does Heever. I have told thee all that the Creator has done for thee; atthis very moment He is showing thee the prize and the reward of theperils and sufferings to which thou hast been exposed in the serviceof thy fellow-men.' And I listened to this voice, overcome though Iwere with suffering; but I could not muster strength to reply tothese assured promises; I contented myself by deploring my faultwith tears. The voice concluded with these words:—'Take confidence,hope on; the record of thy labours will, with justice, be engravedon marble.'"

Columbus, as soon as he recovered, was anxious to leave this coast.He had desired to found a colony here, but his crews were notsufficiently numerous to justify the risk of leaving a part of themon land. The four caravels were full of worm-holes, and one of themhad to be left behind at Bethlehem. On Easter day the admiral put tosea, but scarcely had he gone ninety miles before a leak wasdiscovered in one of the ships; it was necessary to steer for thecoast with all speed, and happily Porto-Bello was reached in safety,where the ship was abandoned, her injuries being irreparable. Theflotilla consisted now of but two caravels, without boats, almostwithout provisions, and with 7000 miles of ocean to traverse. Itsailed along the coast, passed the port of El Retrete, discoveredthe group of islands called the Mulatas, and at length entered theGulf of Darien. This was the farthest point east reached by Columbus.

On the 1st of May the admiral steered for Hispaniola; by the 10th hewas in sight of the Cayman Islands, but he found it impossible tomake head against the winds which drove him to the north-west nearlyas far as Cuba. There, while in shallow water, he encountered astorm, during which anchors and sails were carried away, and the twoships came into collision during the night. The hurricane then drovethem southwards, and the admiral at length reached Jamaica with hisshattered vessels, casting anchor on the 23rd of June in the harbourof San-Gloria, now called the bay of Don Christopher. Columbuswished to have gone to Hispaniola, where he would have found thestores needful for revictualling the ships, resources which wereabsolutely wanting in Jamaica; but his two caravels, full ofworm-holes, "like to bee-hives," could not without danger attemptthe ninety miles' voyage; the question now arose, how to send amessage to Ovando, the governor of Hispaniola.

The Admiral is obliged to run the caravels aground.

The caravels let in water in every direction, and the admiral wasobliged to run them aground; he then tried to organize a life incommon upon shore. The Indians at first gave him assistance, andfurnished the crews with the provisions of which they were in need,but the miserable and much tried sailors showed resentment againstthe admiral; they were ready for revolt, while the unfortunateColumbus, exhausted by illness, was confined to a bed of pain. Itwas in these trying circ*mstances that two brave officers, Mendezand Fieschi, proposed to the admiral to attempt to cross fromJamaica to Hispaniola in Indian canoes. This was in reality a voyageof six hundred miles, for it was necessary to row along the coast asfar as the port where the colony was established. But thesecourageous officers were ready to face every peril, when it was aquestion of saving their companions. Columbus, appreciating theboldness of a proposal, which under other circ*mstances he wouldhimself have been the first to make, gave the required permission toMendez and Fieschi, who set out, while he, without ships, almostwithout provisions, remained with his crew upon this uncultivatedisland.

Indian Boats. From an old print.

Soon the misery of the shipwrecked people—for so we may fairly callthem—became so great that a revolt ensued. The admiral's companions,blinded by their sufferings, imagined that their chief dared notreturn to the harbour in Hispaniola, to which Ovando had alreadydenied him entrance. They thought this proscription applied to themequally with the admiral, and said among themselves that thegovernor, in excluding the flotilla from the harbours of the colony,must have acted under orders from the king. These absurd reasoningsirritated minds already badly disposed, and at length on the 2nd ofJanuary, 1504, two brothers named Porras, one the captain of one ofthe caravels and the other the military treasurer, placed themselvesat the head of the malcontents. Their wish was to return to Europe,and they rushed towards the admiral's tent, crying, "Castille!Castille!" Columbus was ill and in bed. His brother and his sonthrew themselves between him and the mutineers to defend him. At thesight of the aged admiral, the rebels stopped, and their violenceabated; but they would not listen to the admiral's remonstrances andcounsels; they did not understand that nothing could save them butgeneral concord, and each, in unselfish forgetfulness, working forthe public good. No! their decision was taken to quit the island, nomatter by what means. Porras and his followers ran down to the shore,took possession of the canoes of the natives, and steered for theeastern extremity of the island. Arrived there, with no respect leftfor anything, and drunk with fury, they pillaged the Indians'dwellings—thus rendering the admiral responsible for their deeds ofviolence—and they dragged some unfortunate natives on board of thecanoes which they had stolen. Porras and his companions continuedtheir navigation; but when several leagues from shore, they werestruck by a gust of wind which placed them in peril: with the objectof lightening the canoes, they threw their prisoners overboard.After this barbarous execution, the canoes endeavoured, followingthe example of Mendez and Fieschi, to gain the island of Hispaniola,but in vain, they were continually thrown back upon the coasts ofJamaica.

Meanwhile the admiral, left alone with his friends and the sick,succeeded in establishing order in his little world. But thedistress increased, and famine threatened. The natives wearied ofproviding food for these foreigners, whose sojourn upon their islandwas so prolonged; besides, they had seen the Spaniards fightingamongst themselves, a sight which had much destroyed their prestige,and convinced the Indians that these Europeans were nothing morethan ordinary mortals; thus, they no longer respected nor fearedthem. The authority of Columbus over the native population wasdiminishing day by day, and an accidental circ*mstance was needed,of which the admiral cleverly took advantage, to bring back a renownwhich was necessary for the safety of his companions.

A lunar eclipse, foreseen and calculated by Columbus, was due on acertain day. On the morning of this day, the admiral sent to requestan interview with the caciques of the island. They accepted theinvitation, and when they were assembled in the tent of Columbus,the latter announced to them that God, desirous of punishing themfor their inhospitable conduct, and their bad feeling towards theSpaniards, would that evening refuse them the light of the moon. Allcame to pass as the admiral had foretold; the shadow of the earthbegan to conceal the moon, whose disc had the appearance of beingeaten away by some formidable monster. The savages in terror castthemselves at the feet of Columbus, praying him to intercede withHeaven on their behalf, and promising to place all they had at hisdisposal. Columbus, after some well feigned hesitation, pretended toyield to the prayers of the natives. Under pretext of supplicatingthe Deity, he remained in his tent during the whole time of theeclipse, only reappearing at the moment when the phenomenon wasnearly over. Then he told the caciques that God had heard his prayer,and extending his arm he commanded the moon to reappear. Soon thedisc was seen to issue from the cone of the shadow, and the queen ofnight shone forth in all her splendour. From that day forward, thegrateful and submissive Indians accepted the admiral's authority asone manifestly delegated to him by the celestial powers.

While these events were passing at Jamaica, Mendez and Fieschi hadlong ago arrived at their destination. These brave officers hadreached Hispaniola after a voyage of four days, little short ofmiraculous, accomplished as it was in a frail canoe. Theyimmediately made the governor acquainted with the desperatecondition of Columbus and his companions. Ovando, in a spirit ofmalice and injustice, detained these officers, and after a delay ofeight months, under pretext of ascertaining the real condition ofaffairs, he despatched to Jamaica one of his own followers, a mannamed Diego Escobar, who was an especial enemy to Columbus. Escobar,on his arrival at Jamaica, would not communicate with Columbus; hedid not even land, but contented himself with putting on shore, forthe use of the distressed crews, "a side of pork and a barrel ofwine;" then he again set sail without having allowed a single personto come on board. This infamous behaviour is but too real, althoughhumanity almost refuses to believe in it.

The admiral was indignant over this cruel mockery; but he showed noviolence, used no recrimination. The arrival of Escobar somewhatreassured the shipwrecked men, for at least it proved that theirsituation was known. Deliverance was therefore only a matter of time,and the morale of the Spaniards gradually improved.

The admiral was desirous of bringing about a reconciliation withPorras and the rebels, who, since their separation, had incessantlyravaged the island, and been guilty of odious cruelties towards theunfortunate natives. Columbus proposed to restore them to favour,but these foolish people only answered his generous overtures byadvancing to attack him in his retreat. Those Spaniards who hadremained faithful to the cause of order, were obliged to take uparms, and they valiantly defended the admiral, losing but one man inthis sad affair. They took both the brothers Porras prisoners, andremained masters of the field of battle: then the rebels threwthemselves on their knees before Columbus, who, in compassion fortheir sufferings, granted them pardon.

At length, just one year after the departure of Mendez and Fieschi,a ship appeared, equipped by them at the expense of Columbus, whichwas destined to restore the shipwrecked company to their homes. Onthe 24th of June, 1504, every one went on board, and quittingJamaica, the theatre of accumulated miseries, both moral andphysical, they set sail for Hispaniola. Arrived in harbour, after aprosperous voyage, Columbus, to his no small surprise, found himselfat first received with much respect, the governor Ovando, as ashrewd man not willing to go against public opinion, doing himhonour. But this happy temper did not last. Soon the quarrelsrecommenced, and then Columbus, unable as well as unwilling to hearmore, humiliated, and even maltreated, freighted two ships, of whichhe shared the command with his brother Bartolomeo, and on the 12thof September, 1504, he for the last time set out for Europe.

His fourth voyage had increased geographical knowledge by thediscovery of the Cayman Islands, Martinique, Guanaja, the LimonareIslands, with the coasts of Honduras, Mosquito, Nicaragua, Veragua,Costa-Rica, Porto-Bello, and Panama, the Mulatas Islands, and theGulf of Darien.

During this, his last voyage across the ocean, Columbus was destinedto be again tried by storms. His own vessel was disabled, and he andhis crew were obliged to go on board his brother's ship. On the 19thof October, another fearful hurricane broke the mast of this vessel,which had then to make more than two thousand miles with incompletesails. At last, on the 7th of November, the admiral entered theharbour of San-Lucar. Here a sad piece of news was awaiting him.Isabella, his generous protectress, was dead. Who was there now totake an interest in the old Genoese?

The admiral was coldly received by the ungrateful and jealous kingFerdinand, who did not even disdain to use subterfuges and delays,hoping thus to evade the solemn treaties given under his signmanual; he ended by proposing to Columbus the acceptance of a smallCastilian town, Camon de los Condes, in exchange for his titles anddignities. This ingratitude and faithlessness overwhelmed the agedman; his health, already so much impaired, did not improve, andgrief carried him to the grave. On the 20th of May, at Valladolid,at the age of seventy, he rendered up his soul to God with thesewords: "O Lord, into Thy hands I resign my soul and body."

The remains of Columbus were at first laid in the monastery of St.Francis; in 1513, they were removed to the Carthusian monastery ofSeville. But it seemed as if, even after death, repose were to bedenied to the great navigator, for in 1536 his body was transportedto the cathedral of San Domingo. Local tradition affirms that when,after the Treaty of Basle in 1795, the Spanish government, beforegiving up to France the eastern portion of the island of San Domingo,ordered the removal of the ashes of the great sailor to Havana, acanon substituted some other remains for those of ChristopherColumbus, and that the latter were deposited in the choir of thecathedral, to the left of the altar. Thanks to this manoeuvre of thecanon, whether dictated by a sentiment of local patriotism or byrespect to the last wishes of Columbus who had indicated San Domingoas his chosen place of sepulture, it is not the dust of theillustrious navigator which Spain possesses at Havana, but probablythat of his brother Diego. The discovery so lately made in thecathedral of San Domingo, on the 10th of September, 1877, of aleaden chest containing human bones, and bearing an inscriptionstating that it encloses the remains of the Discoverer of America,seems to confirm in every particular the tradition which has beenjust mentioned.

But after all, it matters little whether the body of Columbus be atSan Domingo or at Havana; his name and his glory are everywhere.

CHAPTER VIII.

Covilham and Païva—Vasco da Gama—The Cape of Good Hope isdoubled—Escalès at Sam-Braz—Mozambique, Mombaz, and Melinda—Arrivalat Calicut—Treason of the Zamorin—Battles—Return toEurope—The scurvy—Death of Paul da Gama—Arrival at Lisbon.

At the same time that the King of Portugal, John II., despatchedDiaz to seek in the south of Africa the route to the Indies, heordered two gentlemen of his court to find out if it would not bepossible to attain the same end by an easier, safer, and more rapidmeans; by way of the isthmus of Suez, the Red Sea, and the IndianOcean.

For carrying out such a mission there was needed a clever,enterprising man, well acquainted with the difficulties of a journeyin those regions, and possessing a knowledge of the Orientallanguages, or at the very least, of Arabic. This agent must be of aversatile disposition, and able to dissemble; capable, in a word, ofconcealing the real meaning of projects which aimed at nothing lessthan withdrawing all the commerce of Asia from the hands of theMussulmans and Arabs, and through them from the Venetians, in orderto enrich Portugal with it.

There was living at this time an experienced navigator, Pedro deCovilham, who had served with distinction under Alonzo V. in the warwith Castille, and who had made a long stay in Africa. It was uponhim that John II. cast his eye, and Alonzo de Païva was given him asa colleague. They left Lisbon in the month of May, 1487, furnishedwith detailed instructions, and with a chart drawn according toBishop Calsadilla's map of the World, by the help of which the tourof Africa might be made.

The two travellers reached Alexandria and Cairo, where they weremuch gratified at meeting with some Moorish traders from Fez andTlemcen, who conducted them to Tor—the ancient Ezion-geber—at thefoot of Sinai, where they were able to procure some valuableinformation upon the trade of Calicut. Covilham resolved to takeadvantage of this fortunate circ*mstance to visit a country which,for more than a century, had been regarded by Portugal with covetouslonging, while Païva set out to penetrate into those regions then sovaguely designated as Ethiopia, in quest of the famous Prester John,who, according to old travellers, reigned over a marvellously richand fertile country in Africa. Païva doubtless perished in hisadventurous enterprise, being never again heard of.

As for Covilham, he travelled to Aden, whence he embarked for theMalabar coast. He visited in succession Cananore, Calicut, and Goa,and collected accurate information upon the commerce and productionsof the countries bordering on the Indian Ocean, without arousing thefears of the Hindoos, who could not suspect that the kind andfriendly welcome they accorded to the traveller would bring about inthe future the enthralment and ruin of their country. Covilham, notconsidering that he had yet done enough for his country, quittedIndia, and went to the eastern coast of Africa, where he visitedMozambique, Sofala—long famous for its gold-mines, of which thereputation, by means of the Arabs, had even reached Europe—andZeila, the Avalites portus of the ancients, and the principal townof the Adel coast, upon the Gulf of Oman, at the entrance of theArabian Sea. After a somewhat long stay in that country, he returnedby Aden, then the principal entrepôt of the commerce of the east,went as far as Ormuz, at the entrance of the Persian Gulf, and thenagain passing up the Red Sea, he arrived at Cairo.

John II. had sent to Cairo two learned Jews to await the arrival ofCovilham, and to one of these, the Rabbi Abraham Beja, the travellergave his notes, the itinerary of his journey, and a map of Africagiven to him by a Mussulman, charging Beja to carry them all toLisbon with the least possible delay. For himself, not content withall that he had done hitherto, and wishing to execute the missionwhich death had prevented Païva from accomplishing, he went intoAbyssinia, where the "negus" or king, known by the name of PresterJohn, flattered by seeing his alliance sought by one of the mostpowerful sovereigns of Europe, received him with the greatestkindness, and gave him a high position at his court, but to makesure of retaining his services, he constantly refused him permissionto leave the country. Although he had married there and had somechildren, Covilham still longed for his native country, and when, in1525, a Portuguese embassy, of which Alvarès was a member, came intoAbyssinia, he witnessed the departure of his countrymen with thedeepest regret, and the chaplain of the expedition has naïvelyre-echoed his complaints and his grief.

M. Ferdinand Denis says, "By furnishing precise information upon thepossibility of circumnavigating Africa, by indicating the route tothe Indies, by giving more positive and extended ideas upon thecommerce of these countries, and above all, by describing thegold-mines of Sofala, and so exciting the cupidity of the Portuguese,Covilham contributed greatly to accelerate the expedition of Gama."

Vasco da Gama. From an old print.

If one may believe an old tradition, but one which is unsupported byany authentic document, Gama was descended by an illegitimate linefrom Alphonso III., King of Portugal. His father, Estevam Eanez daGama, grand alcalde of Sinès and of Silvès, in the kingdom ofAlgarve, and commander of Seizal, occupied a high position at thecourt of John II. He enjoyed great reputation as a sailor, so muchso, that just at the moment when his own unexpected death occurred,King John was thinking of giving Gama the command of the fleet whichhe was desirous of sending to the Indies. By his marriage with DonaIsabella Sodré, daughter of Juan de Resende, proveditore of thefortifications of Santarem, he had several children, and amongstthem Vasco, who first reached India by doubling the Cape of GoodHope, and Paul, who accompanied him in that memorable expedition. Itis known that Vasco was born at Sinès, but the date of his birth isuncertain; the year 1469 is that generally given, but besides thefact that if this be the correct date, Gama would have been veryyoung—not more than eight and twenty—when the important command ofthe expedition to the Indies was confided to him, there wasdiscovered twenty years ago, amongst the Spanish archives, asafe-conduct to Tangier granted in 1478 to two persons, Vasco daGama and Lemos. It is scarcely probable that such a passport wouldhave been given to a child of nine years of age, so that thisdiscovery would appear to carry back the birth of the celebratedvoyager to an earlier date.

It seems that from an early period of his life, Vasco da Gama wasdestined to follow the career of a sailor, in which his father haddistinguished himself. The first historian of the Indies, Lopez deCastañeda, delights in recalling the fact that he had signalizedhimself upon the African seas. At one time he was ordered to seizeall the French ships lying in the Portuguese ports, in revenge forthe capture by French pirates during a time of peace of a richPortuguese galleon returning from Mina. Such a mission would onlyhave been confided to an active, energetic and well-tried captain, aclear proof that Gama's valour and cleverness were highlyappreciated by the king.

About this time he married Dona Caterina de Ataïde, one of thehighest ladies about the court, and by her he had several children,amongst others Estevam da Gama, who became governor of the Indies,and Dom Christovam, who, says Gaucher, by his struggle with AhmedGuerad in Abyssinia, and by his romantic death, deserves to bereckoned amongst the famous adventurers of the sixteenth century.

All doubt as to the precise date of Gama's first voyage is now at anend, thanks to the document in the public library at Oporto, a paperwith which Castañeda must have been acquainted, and of which M.Ferdinand Denis has published a translation in the Ancient andModern Travellers of M. E. Charton. The date may be fixed withcertainty for Saturday, the 8th of July, 1497.

This expedition had been long ago determined upon, and all itsdetails were minutely arranged. It was to be composed of fourvessels of medium size, "in order," says Pacheco, "that they mayenter everywhere and again issue forth rapidly." They were solidlyconstructed, and provided with a triple supply of sails and hawsers;all the barrels destined to contain water, oil, or wine had beenstrengthened with iron hoops; large provisions of all kinds had beenmade, such as flour, wine, vegetables, drugs, and artillery; thepersonnel of the expedition consisted of the best sailors, thecleverest pilots, and the most experienced captains.

Gama, who had received the title of Capitam mõr, hoisted his flagupon the Sam-Gabriel of 120 tons. His brother Paul da Gama was onboard the Sam-Raphael of 100 tons. A caravel of 50 tons, theBerrio, so named in memory of the pilot Berrio, who had sold herto Emmanuel I., was commanded by an experienced sailor, NicoloCoelho, while Pedro Nuñes was the captain of a large barque, ladenwith provisions and merchandise, destined for exchange with thenatives of the countries which should be visited. Pero de Alemquer,who had been pilot to Bartholomew Diaz, was to regulate the courseof the vessels. The crews, including ten criminals who were put onboard to be employed on any dangerous service, amounted to onehundred and sixty persons. What feeble means these, what almostabsurd resources, compared with the grandeur of the mission whichthese men were to accomplish!

On the 8th of July, at sunrise, Gama advanced towards the vessels,followed by his officers through an immense crowd of people. Aroundhim were a number of monks and religious persons, who chanted sacredhymns, and besought Heaven's protection for the voyagers. Thisdeparture from Rastello must have been a singularly moving scene;all, whether actors or spectators, mingling their chants, theircries, their adieux and their tears, while the sails, filled by afavourable breeze, bore away Gama and the fortune of Portugaltowards the open sea. A large caravel and a smaller barque, whichwere bound for Mina under the command of Bartholomew Diaz, sailed incompany with Gama's fleet. On the following Saturday, the ships werein sight of the Canaries, and passed the night windward of Lancerota.When they arrived parallel with the Rio de Ouro, a thick fogseparated Paul da Gama, Coelho, and Diaz from the rest of the fleet,but they joined again near the Cape de Verd Islands, which were soonreached. At Santiago fresh stores of meat, water, and wood weretaken on board, and the ships were again put into good sailing order.

La Mina. From an old print.

They quitted the shore of Santa Maria on the 3rd of August. Thevoyage was accomplished without any remarkable incidents, and on the4th of November, anchors were dropped upon the African Coast in abay which received the name of Santa-Ellena. Eight days were spentthere in shipping wood, and in putting everything in order on boardthe vessels. It was there that they saw for the first time theBushmen, a miserable and degraded race of people who fed upon theflesh of sea-wolves and whales, as well as upon roots. ThePortuguese carried off some of these natives, and treated them withkindness. The savages knew nothing of the value of the merchandizewhich was offered to them, they saw the objects for the first timeand were ignorant of their use. Copper was the only thing which theyappeared to prize, wearing in their ears small chains of that metal.They understood well the use of the zagayes—a kind of javelin, ofwhich the point is hardened in the fire—of which three or four ofthe sailors and even Gama himself had unpleasant experience, whileendeavouring to rescue from their hands a certain Velloso, a man whohad imprudently ventured into the interior of the country. Thisincident has furnished Camoens with one of the most charmingepisodes of the "Lusiad."

On leaving Santa-Ellena, Pero de Alemquer, formerly pilot to Diaz,declared his belief that they were then ninety miles from the Cape,but in the uncertainty the fleet stood off to sea; on the 18th ofNovember the Cape of Good Hope was seen, and the next day it wasdoubled by the fleet sailing before the wind. On the 25th thevessels were moored in the Bay of Sam-Braz, where they remainedthirteen days, during which time the boat which carried the storeswas demolished, and her cargo divided amongst the three othervessels. During their stay the Portuguese gave the Bushmen somehawks' bells and other objects, which, to their surprise, wereaccepted, for in the time of Diaz the negroes had shown themselvestimid and even hostile, and had thrown stones to prevent the crewsfrom procuring water. Now they brought oxen and sheep, and to showtheir pleasure at the visit of the Portuguese, "they began," saysNicolas Velho, "to play upon four or five flutes, some set high,some low, a wonderful harmony for negroes, from whom one scarcelylooks for music. They danced also, as dance the blacks, and theCapitam mõr commanded the trumpets to sound, and we in our boatsdanced too, the Capitam mõr himself dancing, as soon as he hadreturned amongst us."

What shall we say to this little fête and this mutual serenadebetween the Portuguese and the negroes? Would any one have expectedto behold Gama, a grave man, as his portraits represent him,initiating the negroes into the charms of the pavane. Unhappilythese favourable dispositions were transient, and it was foundnecessary to have recourse to some hostile demonstrations by meansof repeated discharges of artillery.

In this Bay of Sam-Braz Gama erected a padrao, which was thrown downas soon as he was gone. The fleet soon passed the Rio Infante, thefurthest point reached by Diaz. Here the ships experienced theeffects of a strong current, but of which the violence wasneutralized thanks to a favourable wind. On the 25th of December,Christmas Day, the country of Natal was discovered.

The ships had sustained some damage, and fresh water was needed; itwas therefore urgent for them to find some harbour, which theysucceeded in doing on the 10th of January, 1498. The blacks whom thePortuguese saw here upon landing were people of greater stature thanthose whom they had hitherto met with. Their arms were a large bowwith long arrows, and a zagaye tipped with iron. They were Caffres,a race very superior to the Bushmen. Such happy relations werequickly established with them that Gama gave the country the name ofthe Land of Good People (Terra da bon Gente).

A little further on, while still sailing up the coast, two Mussulmantraders, one wearing a turban, the other a hood of green satin, cameto visit the Portuguese, with a young man who, "from what could beunderstood from their signs, belonged to a very distant country, andwho said he had already seen ships as large as ours." Vasco da Gama,took this as a proof that he was now approaching those Indian lands,which had been so long and so eagerly sought. For this reason henamed the river which flowed into the sea at this place Rio dosBonis Signaes (River of good tokens). Unhappily the first symptomsof scurvy appeared at this time amongst the crews, and soon therewere many sailors upon the sick list.

On the 10th of March the expedition cast anchor before the Island ofMozambique, where, as Gama learnt through his Arab interpreters,there were several merchants of Mahometan extraction, who carried ontrade with India. Gold and silver, cloth and spices, pearls andrubies, formed the staple of their commerce. Gama at the same timewas assured that in pursuing the line of the coast, he would findnumerous cities; "Whereat we were so joyful," says Velho in hisnaïve and valuable narrative, "that we wept for pleasure, prayingGod to grant us health that we might see all that which we had somuch desired."

Mozambique Channel.

The Viceroy Colyytam, who imagined he was dealing with Mussulmen,came on board several times and was magnificently entertained; hereturned the civility by sending presents, and even furnished Gamawith two skilful pilots, but when some Moorish merchants who hadtraded in Europe told him that these foreigners, far from beingTurks, were in reality the worst enemies of the Mahometans, theviceroy, disgusted at his mistake, made preparations for seizing thePortuguese by treachery, and killing them. Gama was obliged to pointhis artillery at the town and threaten to reduce it to ashes beforehe could obtain the water needed for the prosecution of his voyage.Blood flowed, and Paul da Gama captured two barques, whose richcargo was divided amongst the sailors. The ships quitted thisinhospitable town, on the 29th of March, and the voyage continued, aclose surveillance being kept over the Arab pilots, whom Gama wasobliged to cause to be flogged.

On the 4th of April the coast was seen, and on the 8th Mombasa orMombaz was reached, a town, according to the pilots, inhabited byChristians and Mussulmen. The fleet dropped anchor outside theharbour, and did not enter it, notwithstanding the enthusiasticreception given to them. Already the Portuguese were reckoning uponmeeting at mass the next day with the Christians of the Island, whenduring the night, the flag-ship was approached by a zacra, having onboard a hundred armed men, who endeavoured to enter the ships in abody, which was refused them. The king of Mombaz was informed of allthat had occurred at Mozambique, but pretending ignorance, he sentpresents to Gama, proposing to him to establish a factory in hiscapital, and assuring him that so soon as he should have entered theport, he might take on board a cargo of spices and aromatics. TheCapitam mõr, suspecting nothing, immediately sent two men toannounce his entry for the morrow; already they were weighing anchorwhen the flag-ship refusing to tack, the anchor was let fall again.In graceful and poetic fiction, Camoens affirms that it was theNereids led by Venus, the protectress of the Portuguese, who stayedtheir ships when on the point of entering the port. At this momentall the Moors on board the fleet quitted it simultaneously, whilstthe Mozambique pilots threw themselves into the sea.

Two Moors who were put to the question with a drop of hot oil,confessed that the intention was to take all the Portugueseprisoners as soon as they should be inside the harbour. During thenight the Moors endeavoured several times to climb on board and tocut the cables in order to run the ships aground, but each time theywere discovered. Under these circ*mstances no prolonged stay waspossible at Mombaz, but it had been long enough for all those ill ofscurvy to recover their health.

At the distance of four-and-twenty miles from land, the fleetcaptured a barque richly laden with gold, silver, and provisions.The next day Gama arrived at Melinda, a rich and flourishing city,whose gilded minarets, sparkling in the sunshine, and whose mosquesof dazzling whiteness, stood out against a sky of the most intenseblue. The reception of the Portuguese at Melinda was at first verycold, the capture of the barque the evening before being alreadyknown there, but as soon as explanations had been given, the peoplebecame cordial. The king's son came to visit the admiral,accompanied by a train of courtiers splendidly dressed, and a choirof musicians, who played upon various instruments. The greatestastonishment was shown at the artillery practice, for the inventionof gunpowder was not yet known on the east coast of Africa. A solemntreaty was made, ratified by oaths upon the Gospel and the Koran,and cemented by an interchange of presents. From this moment theill-will, the treachery, the difficulties of all kinds which hadhitherto beset the expedition, ceased as if by magic: this must beattributed to the generosity of the King of Melinda, and to the aidwhich he furnished to the Portuguese.

Faithful to the promise which he had made to Vasco da Gama, the kingsent him a Gujerat pilot named Malemo Cana, a man well instructed innavigation, understanding the use of charts, of the compass and thequadrant, and who rendered the most important service to theexpedition. After a stay of nine days the fleet weighed anchor forCalicut. The coasting plan hitherto pursued was now to be abandoned,and the time was come when, in reliance upon the blessing of God,the Portuguese must venture out upon the wide ocean, without otherguide than an unknown pilot furnished by a king whose kind welcomehad not sufficed to lull to sleep the suspicions of the foreigners.And yet, thanks to the ability and loyalty of this pilot, thanksalso to the clemency of the sea, and to the wind being constantly inits favour, the fleet, after a twenty-three days' voyage, reachedthe land on the 17th May, and the next day anchored at the distanceof six miles below Calicut. The enthusiasm on board was great. Atlast they had arrived in those rich and wonderful countries.Fatigues, dangers, sickness, all were forgotten. The object of theirlong labours was attained! Or rather, it seemed to be so, for therewas still needed the possession of the treasures and richproductions of India.

Scarcely were the anchors dropped when four boats came off from theshore, performing evolutions around the fleet, and apparentlyinviting the sailors to disembark. But Gama, rendered cautious bythe occurrences at Mozambique and Mombaz, sent on shore one of thecriminals who were on board, to act as a scout; ordering him to walkthrough the town and endeavour to ascertain the temper of itsinhabitants. Surrounded by an inquisitive crowd, assailed byquestions to which he could not reply, this man was conducted to thehouse of a Moor named Mouçaïda, who spoke Spanish, and to whom hegave a short account of the voyage of the fleet. Mouçaïda returnedwith him on board, and his first words on setting foot on the shipwere "Good luck! good luck! quantities of rubies, quantities ofemeralds!" Whereupon, Mouçaïda was at once engaged as interpreter.

The King of Calicut was at this time at a distance of forty-fivemiles from his capital, so the Capitam mõr despatched two men toannounce the arrival of an ambassador from the King of Portugal,being the bearer of letters to him from his sovereign. The king atonce sent a pilot, with orders to take the Portuguese ships into thesafer roadstead of Pandarany, and promised to return himself on themorrow to Calicut; this he did, and ordered his Intendant or Catoualto invite Gama to land and open negotiations. In spite of thesupplications of his brother, Paul da Gama, who represented to himthe dangers which he might incur, and those to which his death wouldexpose the expedition, the Capitam mõr set out for the shore, uponwhich an enormous crowd of people were awaiting him.

The idea that they were in the midst of a Christian population wasso rooted in the minds of all the members of the expedition, thatGama, on passing by a pagoda on the way, entered it to perform hisdevotions. One of his companions, however, Juan de Saa, noticing thehideous pictures upon the walls, was less credulous, and whilstthrowing himself upon his knees, said aloud, "If that be a devil, Iintend nevertheless to adore only the true God!" A mentalreservation which caused amusem*nt to the admiral.

Near the gates of the town the crowd was even more closely packed.Gama and his companions, under the guidance of the Catoual, had somedifficulty in reaching the palace, where the king, who in thenarrative is called the "Zamorin," was awaiting them with extremeimpatience. Ushered into halls splendidly decorated with silkenstuffs and carpets, and in which burned the most exquisite perfumes,the Portuguese found themselves in the presence of the Zamorin. Hewas magnificently attired, and loaded with jewels, the pearls anddiamonds which he wore being of extraordinary size. The king orderedrefreshments to be served to the strangers, and permitted them to beseated, a peculiar mark of favour in a country where the sovereignis usually only addressed with the most lowly prostrations. TheZamorin afterwards passed into another apartment, to hear with hisown ears, as was proudly demanded by Gama, the reasons for theembassy and the desire felt by the King of Portugal to conclude atreaty of commerce and alliance with the King of Calicut. TheZamorin listened to Gama's discourse, and replied that he should behappy to consider himself the friend and brother of King Emmanuel,and that he would, by the aid of Gama, send ambassadors to Portugal.

Gama's interview with the Zamorin. From an old print.

There are certain proverbs of which the force is not affected bychange of latitude, and the truth of that one which says, "The dayssucceed each other and have no similarity," was proved the next dayat Calicut. The enthusiasm which had been aroused in the mind of theZamorin by the ingenious discourse of Gama, and the hope it hadawakened of the establishment of a profitable trade with Portugal,vanished at the sight of the presents which were to be given him."Twelve pieces of striped cloth, twelve cloaks with scarlet hoods,six hats, and four branches of coral, accompanied by a boxcontaining six large basons, a chest of sugar, and four kegs, twofilled with oil, and two with honey," certainly did not constitute avery magnificent offering. At sight of it, the prime ministerlaughed, declaring that the poorest merchant from Mecca broughtricher presents, and that the king would never accept of suchridiculous trifles. After this affront Gama again visited theZamorin, but it was only after long waiting in the midst of amocking crowd, that he was admitted to the presence of the king. Thelatter reproached him in a contemptuous manner for having nothing tooffer him, while pretending to be the subject of a rich and powerfulking. Gama replied with boldness, and produced the letters ofEmmanuel, which were couched in flattering terms, and contained aformal promise to send merchandise to Calicut. The Zamorin, pleasedat this prospect, then inquired with interest about the productionsand resources of Portugal, and gave permission to Gama to disembarkand sell his goods.

But this abrupt change in the humour of the Zamorin was not at allagreeable to the Moorish and Arab traders, whose dealings made theprosperity of Calicut. They could not look on quietly whilstforeigners were endeavouring for their own advantage to turn asidethe commerce which had been hitherto entirely in their hands; theyresolved, therefore, to leave no stone unturned to drive away oncefor all these formidable rivals from the shores of India. Theirfirst care was to gain the ear of the Catoual; then they painted inthe blackest colours these insatiable adventurers, these boldrobbers, whose only object was to spy out the strength and resourcesof the town, that they might return in force to pillage it, and tomassacre those who should venture to oppose their designs.

Upon arriving at the roadstead of Pandarany, Gama found no boat totake him off to the ships, and was forced to sleep on shore. TheCatoual never left him, continually seeking to prove to him thenecessity of bringing the ships nearer to the land; and when theadmiral positively refused to consent to this, he declared him to behis prisoner. He had very little idea as yet of the firmness ofGama's character. Some armed boats were sent to surprise the ships,but the Portuguese, having received secret intelligence from theadmiral of all that had happened, were on their guard, and theirenemies dared not use open force. Gama, still a prisoner, threatenedthe Catoual with the anger of the Zamorin, whom he imagined couldnever thus have violated the duties of hospitality, but seeing thathis menaces produced no effect, he tried bribery, presenting theminister with several pieces of stuff, who, thereupon at oncealtered his demeanour. "If the Portuguese," said he, "had but keptthe promise they had made to the king, of disembarking theirmerchandise, the admiral would long ago have returned on board hisships." Gama at once sent an order to bring the goods to land,opened a shop for their sale, of which the superintendence was givento Diego Diaz, brother to the discoverer of the Cape of Good Hope,and was then allowed to go back to his ships.

The Mussulmen placed obstacles in the way of the sale of themerchandise by depreciating its value; Gama sent his agent Diaz tothe Zamorin to complain of the perfidy of the Moors and of the badtreatment to which he had been subjected, requesting at the sametime permission to move his place of sale to Calicut, where he hopedthat the goods would be more easily disposed of. This request wasfavourably received, and friendly relations were maintained, inspite of the Moorish intrigues, until the 10th of August, 1498. Onthat day Diaz went to announce Gama's impending departure to theking, reminding him of his promise to send an embassy to Portugal,and asking him to allow Gama a specimen of each of the productionsof the country. These were to be paid for on the first sale of goodswhich should take place after the departure of the fleet, it beingintended that the employés of the factory should remain at Calicutduring Gama's absence. The Zamorin, instigated by the Arab traders,not only refused to execute his promise, but demanded the payment of600 seraphins as customs' duty, ordering at the same time theseizure of the merchandise, and making prisoners of the men employedin the factory.

Such an outrage, such contempt for the rights of nations, called forprompt vengeance, but Gama understood the art of dissimulation;however, on receiving a visit on board from some rich merchants, hedetained them, and sent to the Zamorin to demand an exchange ofprisoners. The king's reply not being sent within the time specifiedby the admiral, the latter set sail and anchored at the distance ofsixteen miles from Calicut. After another fruitless attack by theHindoos, the two agents returned on board, and a portion of thehostages whom Gama had secured were given up. Diaz brought back withhim a curious letter from the Zamorin to the King of Portugal. Itwas written upon a palm leaf, and shall be quoted in all its strangelaconicism, so different from the usual grandiloquence of theoriental style:—

"Vasco da Gama, a noble of thy palace, is come into my country whichI have permitted. In my kingdom there is much cinnamon, cloves, andpepper, with many precious stones, and what I desire from thycountry is gold, silver, coral, and scarlet. Adieu."

On the morrow, Mouçaïda the Moor of Tunis who had served asinterpreter to the Portuguese, and had been a great assistance tothem in their negotiations with the Zamorin, came to seek an asylumon board the ships. The merchandise had not been brought back on theappointed day, and the Capitam mõr now resolved to carry away withhim the men whom he had kept as hostages, but the fleet was becalmedat several miles distance from Calicut, and was attacked by twentyarmed boats, which were with difficulty kept at a distance by theartillery, until they were forced by a violent storm to take shelterunder the coast.

The admiral was sailing along the coast of the Deccan, and hadpermitted some of the sailors to go on shore to gather fruit andcollect cinnamon bark, when he perceived eight boats, which appearedto be coming towards him. Gama recalled the men, and sailed forwardto meet the Hindoos, who made the greatest haste to flee from him,but not without leaving a boat laden with cocoa, and provisions, inthe hands of the Portuguese. On arriving at the LaccadiveArchipelago, Gama had the Berrio recalked, and his own ship drawnup on shore for repairs. The sailors were busy over this work whenthey were again attacked, but without more success than heretofore.The next day witnessed the arrival of an individual forty years ofa*ge, dressed in Hindoo style, who began to speak to the Portuguesein excellent Italian, telling them that he was a native of Venice,and had been torn from his country while still young, that he was aChristian, but without the possibility of practising his religion.He was in a high position at the court of the king of the country,who had sent him to them, to place at their disposal all that thecountry contained which could minister to their comfort. Theseoffers of service, so different from the welcome accorded to themhitherto, excited the suspicions of the Portuguese, and they werenot long in discovering that this adventurer was in command of theboats which had attacked them the day before. Upon this they had himscourged until he confessed that he had come to discover whether itwere possible to attack the fleet with advantage, and he ended byaffirming that all the inhabitants of the sea-shore were in leagueto destroy the Portuguese. He was retained on board, the work uponthe ships was hurried forward, and as soon as water and provisionshad been taken in, sail was made for a return to Europe.

In consequence of dead calms and contrary winds, the expedition wasthree months, all but three days, in reaching the African coast.During this long voyage the crews suffered terribly from scurvy, andthirty sailors perished. In each ship, only seven or eight men werein a condition to work the vessel, and very often the officersthemselves were forced to lend a hand. "Whence I can affirm," saysVelho, "that if the time in which we sailed across those seas hadbeen prolonged a fortnight, nobody from hence would have navigatedthem after us.... And the captains having held a council upon thematter, it was resolved that in case of similar winds catching usagain, to return towards India, there to take refuge." On the 2nd ofFebruary, 1499, the Portuguese found themselves at last abreast of agreat town on the coast of Ajan, called Magadoxo, distant 300 milesfrom Melinda.

Gama, dreading another reception like the one given to him atMozambique, would not stop here, but while passing within sight ofthe town, ordered a general discharge of the guns. A few daysafterwards the rich and salubrious plains of Melinda came in sight,and here they cast anchor. The king hastened to send off freshprovisions and oranges for the invalids on board. The receptiongiven by him to the Portuguese was in every particular mostaffectionate, and the friendship which had arisen during Gama'sfirst visit to Melinda was greatly strengthened. The Sheik ofMelinda sent for the King of Portugal a horn made of ivory and anumber of other presents, entreating Gama at the same time toreceive a young Moor on board his ship, that through him the kingmight learn how earnestly he desired his friendship.

The five days' rest at Melinda was of the greatest benefit to thePortuguese, at its expiration they again set sail. Soon afterpassing Mombaz they were obliged to burn the Sam-Raphael, thecrews being too much reduced to be able to work three ships. Theydiscovered the Island of Zanzibar, anchored in the Bay of Sam-Braz,and on the 20th February, a favourable wind enabled them to doublethe Cape of Good Hope, when they again found themselves upon theAtlantic Ocean. The breeze remaining favourable, helped forward thereturn of the mariners, and at the end of twenty-seven days, theyhad arrived in the neighbourhood of the Island of Santiago. On the25th of April Nicholas Coelho, captain of the Berrio, eager to bethe first to carry to Emmanuel the news of the discovery of theIndies, separated himself from his chief, and without touching, ashad been arranged, at the Cape de Verd Islands, made sail direct forPortugal, arriving there on the 10th of July.

During this time the unfortunate Gama was plunged in the mostprofound sorrow, for his brother, Paul da Gama, who had shared hisfatigues and sufferings, and who was to be a partaker of his glory,seemed to be slowly dying. At Santiago, Vasco da Gama, now returnedto well known and much frequented seas, gave up the command of hisships to Joao da Saa, and chartered a fast-sailing caravel, tohasten as much as possible his beloved invalid's return to hisnative country. But all hope was vain, and the caravel only arrivedat Terceira in time to inter there the body of the brave andsympathizing Paul da Gama.

Upon his arrival in Portugal, which must have taken place during theearly part of September, the admiral was received with statelyfestivals. Of the 160 Portuguese whom he had taken with him,fifty-five only returned with him. The loss was great certainly, butwhat was it compared with the great advantages to be hoped for? Thepublic realized this, and gave the most enthusiastic reception toGama. The King, Emmanuel II., added to his own titles that of Lordof the conquests and of the navigation of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia,and the Indies; but he allowed two years to pass before rewardingGama. He then bestowed upon him the title of Admiral of the Indies,and authorized him to use the prefix of Dom before his name, aprivilege then rarely granted. Also, doubtless to make Vasco da Gamaforget the tardiness with which his services had been rewarded, theking gave him 1000 crowns, a considerable sum for that period, andalso conceded to him certain privileges in connexion with thecommerce of the Indies, which were likely speedily to make hisfortune.

Alvarès Cabral—Discovery of Brazil—The coast of Africa—Arrival atCalicut, Cochin, Cananore—Joao da Nova—Gama's second expedition—TheKing of Cochin—The early life of Albuquerque—The taking ofGoa—The siege and capture of Malacca—Second expedition againstOrmuz—Ceylon—The Moluccas—Death of Albuquerque—Fate of thePortuguese empire of the Indies.

On the 9th of March, 1500, a fleet of thirteen vessels left Rastello,under the command of Pedro Alvarès Cabral; on board, as a volunteer,was Luiz de Camoens, who in his poem the "Lusiad," was to renderillustrious the valour and adventurous spirit of his countrymen. Butlittle is known of Cabral, and nothing of the reason which hadgained him the command of this important expedition. Cabral belongedto one of the most illustrious families in Portugal, and his father,Fernando Cabral, lord of Zurara da Beira, was Alcalde mõr ofBelmonte. Pedro Alvarès Cabral had married Isabel de Castro, firstlady in waiting to the Infanta Dona Maria, daughter of John III. Ifit be asked whether Cabral had made himself famous by some importantmaritime discovery, we answer there is no reason to think so, for inthat case the historians would have recorded it. But it is difficultto believe that he owed to court favour alone the command of anexpedition in which such men as Bartholomew Diaz, Nicholas Coelhothe companion of Gama, and Sancho de Thovar sailed under his orders.Why had not this mission been confided to Gama, who had been at homefor six months, and whose knowledge of the countries to be visitedand of the manners of their inhabitants, seemed to point him out asthe fittest man for the service? Had he not yet recovered from thefatigues of his first voyage? Or had his grief for the loss of abrother who had died almost within sight of the coasts of Portugalso deeply affected him, that he desired to remain in retirement? Mayit not rather have been that King Emmanuel was jealous of the fameof Gama, and did not wish to give him the opportunity of increasinghis renown? These are problems which perhaps history may be for everunable to solve.

It is easy to believe in the realization of those things which weardently desire. Emmanuel imagined that the Zamorin of Calicut wouldnot object to the establishment of Portuguese shops and factories inhis country, and Cabral, the bearer of presents of such magnificenceas to obliterate the memory of the shabbiness of those offered byGama, received orders to obtain from the Zamorin an interdict,forbidding any Moor to carry on trade in his capital. The newCapitam mõr was in the first place to visit Melinda, to offer richpresents to its king, and to restore to him the Moor who had come toPortugal with Gama. Sixteen friars were sent out on board the fleet,charged to carry the knowledge of the Gospel to the distantcountries of Asia.

The fleet had sailed for thirteen days and had passed the Cape deVerd Islands, when it was discovered that one of the ships, underthe command of Vasco d'Ataïde, was no longer in company. The rest ofthe ships lay to for some time to await her, but in vain, and thetwelve vessels then continued their navigation upon the open sea,and not, as had been the manner hitherto, steering simply from capeto cape along the shores of Africa. Cabral hoped by this means toavoid the calms in the Gulf of Guinea, which had proved so great acause of delay to the preceding expeditions. Perhaps even theCapitam mõr, who must, in common with the rest of his countrymen,have been acquainted with the discoveries of Christopher Columbus,may have had the secret hope, by keeping to the west, of arriving atsome region unvisited by the great navigator.

The fact remains, whether it is to be accounted for by a storm or bysome secret design, that the fleet was out of the right way fordoubling the Cape of Good Hope when, on the 22nd of April, a highmountain was seen, and soon afterwards a long stretch of coast,which received the name of Vera Cruz, changed afterwards to that ofSanta Cruz. This was Brazil, and the point where now stands PortoSeguro. On the 28th, after a skilful reconnaissance of the coastshad been made by Coelho, the Portuguese sailors landed upon theAmerican shores, and became aware of a delicious mildness oftemperature, with a luxuriance of vegetation greatly exceedinganything which they had seen on the coasts of Africa or of Malabar.The natives formed themselves in groups around the sailors, withoutshowing the least sign of fear. They were almost naked, and boreupon the wrist a tame parroquet, after the fashion in which thegentlemen of Europe carry their hawks or their gerfalcons.

On Easter Sunday, the 26th of April, a solemn mass was celebrated onthe shore in sight of the Indians, whose silence and attitude ofrespect excited the admiration of the Portuguese. On the 1st of Maya large cross and a padrao were erected on the shore, and Cabralformally took possession of the country in the name of the King ofPortugal. His first care after this formality was accomplished wasto despatch Gaspard de Lemos to Lisbon, to announce the discovery ofthis rich and fertile country. Lemos took with him the narrative ofthe expedition written by Pedro Vaz de Caminha, and an importantastronomical document, the work of Master Joao, in which wasdoubtless stated the exact situation of the new conquest. Beforesetting out for Asia, Cabral put on land two criminals, whom heordered to ascertain the resources and riches of the country, aswell as the manners and customs of the inhabitants. These wise andfar-sighted measures speak much for Cabral's prudence and sagacity.

Cabral takes formal possession of Brazil.

It was the 2nd of May when the fleet lost sight of Brazil. All onboard, rejoicing over this happy commencement of the voyage,believed in the prospect of an easy and rapid success, when theappearance of a brilliant comet on eight consecutive days struck theignorant and simple minds of the sailors with terror; theyconsidered it must be a bad omen, and for this once events appearedto justify superstition. A fearful storm arose, waves mountains highbroke over the ships, whilst the wind blew furiously and rain fellwithout ceasing. When the sun at length succeeded in piercing thethick curtain of clouds which almost entirely intercepted his rays,a horrible scene was disclosed. The water looked thick and black,large patches of a livid white colour flecked the foaming, crestedwaves, while during the night phosphorescent lights, streaking theimmense plain of water, marked out the course of the ships with atrain of fire. For two-and-twenty days, without truce or mercy, thePortuguese ships were battered by the furious elements. Theterrified sailors were utterly prostrate; they vainly exhaustedtheir prayers and vows, and obeyed the orders of their officers onlyfrom the force of habit; from the first day they had given up anyhope of their lives being spared, and only awaited the moment whenthey should all be submerged. When light at length returned and thebillows became calm, each crew, thinking themselves to be perhapsthe sole survivors, looked eagerly over the sea in search of theircompanions. Three ships met together again with a joy which the sadreality soon abated. Eight vessels were missing; four had beenengulfed by a gigantic water-spout during the last days of the storm.One of these had been commanded by Bartholomew Diaz, the discovererof the Cape of Good Hope: he had been drowned by these murderouswaves, the defenders, according to Camoens, of the empire of theeast against the nations of the west, who had for so many centuriescoveted her marvellous riches.

During this long series of storms the Cape had been doubled and thefleet was approaching the coast of Africa. On the 20th of JulyMozambique was signalled. The Moors of this place showed a moreagreeable disposition than they had done when Gama was there, andfurnished the Portuguese with two pilots, who conducted them toQuiloa, an island famed for the trade in gold-dust which was carriedon with Sofala. There Cabral found two of the missing ships, whichhad been driven to this island by the wind. A plot was on foot inQuiloa for a wholesale massacre of the Europeans, but this wasfrustrated by a prompt departure from the island, and the shipsarrived at Melinda without any untoward incident. The stay of thefleet in this port was the occasion of fêtes and rejoicings withoutnumber, and soon, revictualled, repaired, and furnished withexcellent pilots, the Portuguese vessels sailed for Calicut, wherethey arrived on the 13th of December, 1500.

View of Quiloa. From an old print.

This time, thanks to the power of their arms as well as to therichness of the presents offered to the Zamorin, the reception wasdifferent, and the versatile prince agreed to all the demands ofCabral: namely, a monopoly of the trade in aromatics and spicery,and the right of seizure upon all vessels which should infringe thisprivilege. For some time the Moors dissembled their resentment, butwhen they had succeeded in thoroughly exasperating the populationagainst the foreigners, they rushed at a given signal into thefactory which was under the direction of Ayrès Correa, and massacredfifty of the Portuguese, whom they surprised in it. Vengeance forthis outrage was not slow; ten boats moored in the port were taken,pillaged, and burnt before the eyes of the Hindoos, who werepowerless to render opposition; afterwards the town was bombarded,and was half-buried under its ruins.

When this affair was concluded, Cabral, continuing the explorationof the Malabar coast, arrived at Cochin, where the Rajah, a vassalof the Zamorin, hastened to conclude an alliance with the Portuguese,eagerly seizing this opportunity to declare himself independent.Although by this time his fleet was richly laden, Cabral made avisit to Cananore, where he entered into a treaty with the Rajah ofthe country; then, being impatient to return home, he set sail forEurope. While coasting along that shore of Africa, which is washedby the Indian Ocean, he discovered Sofala, a place which had escapedthe observation of Gama. On the 13th of July, 1501, Cabral arrivedat Lisbon, where he had the joy of finding the two remaining shipswhich he had imagined to be lost.

It is pleasant to believe that he received the welcome merited bythe important results obtained in this memorable expedition.Although contemporary historians are silent upon the incidents ofhis life after his return, recent research has been rewarded by thediscovery of his tomb at Santarem, and M. Ferdinand Denis hashappily proved that, like Vasco da Gama, he received the title ofDom as a reward for his glorious deeds.

Whilst he was returning to Europe Alvarès Cabral might haveencountered a fleet of four caravels under the command of Joao daNova, which King Emmanuel had despatched to give fresh vigour to thecommercial relations which Cabral had been charged to establish inthe Indies. This new expedition doubled the Cape of Good Hopewithout misadventure, discovered between Mozambique and Quiloa anunknown island, which was named after the commander of the fleet,and arrived at Melinda, where Da Nova was informed of the eventswhich had taken place at Calicut. He felt that he had not forces athis disposal sufficient to justify him in going to punish theZamorin, and not wishing to endanger the prestige of Portuguese armsby the risk of a reverse, he steered for Cochin and Cananore, ofwhich the kings, although tributaries of the Zamorin, had enteredinto alliance with Alvarès Cabral. Da Nova had already taken onboard 1000 hundredweights of pepper, 50 of ginger, and 450 ofcinnamon, when he received warning that a considerable fleet, comingapparently from Calicut, was advancing with hostile intentions. Ifhe had hitherto been more concerned with trade than with war, he didnot the less in these critical circ*mstances display a bold andcourageous spirit worthy of his predecessors. He accepted the combat,notwithstanding the apparent superiority of the Hindoos, and partlyby the skilful arrangements which he made, partly by the power ofhis guns, he managed to disperse, to take, or to sink the hostilevessels. Perhaps Da Nova ought to have profited by the terror whichhis victory had spread along the coast, and the temporary exhaustionof the Moorish resources, to strike a great blow by the taking ofCalicut. But we are too far removed in time from the events, andknow too little of their details, to appreciate with impartialitythe reasons which induced the admiral to return immediately toEurope.

It was during this latter part of his voyage that Nova discoveredthe small island of Saint Helena in the midst of the Atlantic. Acurious story attaches to this discovery. A certain Fernando Lopezhad followed Gama to the Indies; this man, wishing to marry a Hindoo,was forced for this purpose to renounce Christianity and become aMahometan. Upon Nova's visit, having had enough either of his wifeor of her religion, he begged to be taken back to his country, andreturned to his old creed. Upon arriving at Saint Helena, Lopez, inobedience to a sudden idea, which he regarded as an inspiration fromon high, requested to be landed there, in order, as he said, toexpiate his detestable apostasy and to atone for it by his devotionto humanity. His will appeared so fixed that Da Nova was forced toconsent, and he left him there, having given him at his requestvarious seeds of fruits and vegetables. It must be added that thissingular hermit worked for four years at the clearing and plantingof the island with such success, that ships were soon able to callthere to revictual during their long passage from Europe to the Capeof Good Hope.

The successive expeditious of Gama, Cabral, and Da Nova hadconclusively proved that an uninterrupted commerce must not bereckoned upon, nor a continued exchange of merchandise, with thepopulation of the Malabar Coast, who, while their own independenceand liberty were respected had each time leagued together againstthe Portuguese. That trade with Europeans which they so persistentlyrefused, must be forced upon them, and for that purpose permanentmilitary establishments must be formed, capable of overawing themalcontents, and even in case of necessity of taking possession ofthe country. But to whom should such an important mission beentrusted? The choice could scarcely be doubtful, and Vasco da Gamawas unanimously chosen to take the command of the powerful armamentwhich was in preparation.

Vasco had ten ships under his own immediate command, while hissecond brother Stephen da Gama, and his cousin Vincent Sodrez, hadeach five ships under his orders, but they were both to recogniseVasco da Gama as their chief. The ceremonies which preceded thedeparture of the fleet from Lisbon were of a particularly grave andsolemn character. King Emmanuel, followed by the whole court,repaired to the cathedral in the midst of an enormous crowd, andthere called down blessings from heaven upon this expedition, partlyreligious, partly military, while the Archbishop blessed the bannerwhich was entrusted to Gama.

The admiral's first care was to visit Sofala and Mozambique, townsof which he had had reason to complain in the course of his firstvoyage. Being anxious to establish harbours for refuge, andrevictualling of ships, he established there merchants' offices, andlaid the foundations of forts. He also levied a heavy tribute uponthe Sheik of Quiloa, and then sailed for the coast of Hindostan.When Gama had arrived off Calicut, he perceived on the 3rd ofOctober a vessel of large tonnage, which appeared to him to berichly laden. It was the Merii bringing back from Mecca a greatnumber of pilgrims belonging to all the countries of Asia. Gamaattacked the ship without provocation, captured her and put to deathmore than three hundred men who were on board. Twenty children alonewere saved and taken to Lisbon, where they were baptized, andentered the army of Portugal. This frightful massacre, besides beingquite in accordance with the ideas of the period, was calculatedaccording to Gama, to strike terror into the Hindoo mind: it didnothing of the sort. This hateful and useless cruelty has left astain of blood upon the hitherto pure fame of the admiral.

As soon as he arrived at Cananore, Gama obtained an audience of theRajah, who authorized him to establish a counting-house, and tobuild a fort. At the same time a treaty of alliance, offensive anddefensive was concluded. After setting the labourers to work, andinstalling his agent, the admiral set sail for Calicut, where heintended to summon the Zamorin to a reckoning for his disloyalty, aswell as for the murder of the Portuguese who had been surprised inthe factory. Although the Rajah of Calicut had been informed of thearrival in the Indies of his formidable enemies, he had taken nomilitary precautions, and thus, when Gama presented himself beforethe town, he was able to seize some vessels anchored in the port andto make a hundred prisoners, without encountering any resistance;afterwards he granted the Zamorin a respite of four days, in whichto make atonement to the Portuguese for the murder of Correa, and torefund the value of the merchandise which had been stolen on thatoccasion.

The time specified had scarcely elapsed when the bodies of fifty ofthe prisoners were strung up at the yard-arms of the vessels, wherethey remained exposed to the view of the town during the whole day.In the evening the feet and hands of these expiatory victims werecut off and taken on shore, with a letter from the admiral,declaring that his vengeance would not be limited to this execution.Accordingly, under cover of the night, the broadsides of the vesselswere brought to bear upon the town, which was bombarded for thespace of three days. It will never be known what was the exactnumber of the slain, but it must have been considerable. Withoutreckoning those killed by the fire of the cannon and the muskets, agreat number of Hindoos were buried beneath the ruins of thebuildings, or perished in the conflagration, which destroyed aportion of the town of Calicut. The Rajah had been one of the firstto take flight, and fortunate was it for him that he had done so,for his palace was amongst the buildings which were demolished. Atlength, satisfied with having transformed this heretofore rich andpopulous city into a heap of ruins, and considering his vengeancesatiated, and that the lesson so taught would be profitable, Gamaset sail for Cochin, leaving behind him Vincent Sodrez, with severalships, to continue the blockade.

Triumpara, the sovereign of Cochin, informed the admiral that he hadbeen eagerly solicited by the Zamorin to take advantage of theconfidence reposed in him by the Portuguese, to surprise and seizethem, in consequence of which intelligence, and to reward theintegrity of the king whose loyalty had exposed him to the enmity ofthe Rajah of Calicut, Gama, when starting for Lisbon with a valuablecargo, left with Triumpara ships sufficient to enable him to awaitin safety the arrival of another squadron. During Gama's returnvoyage the only noteworthy incident that occurred was the defeat ofanother Malabar fleet. The admiral arrived in Europe on the 20th ofDecember, 1503.

Once more the eminent services rendered by this great man wentunrecognised, or rather they were not appreciated as they deserved.Gama, who had just laid the foundations of the colonial empire ofPortugal in India, remained for one and twenty years withoutemployment, and it was only through the intercession of the Duke ofBraganza, that he obtained the title of Count de Vidigueyra. A toocommon instance this of ingratitude, but one which it is never malà propos to stigmatize as it deserves.

Scarcely had Gama set out for Europe, before the Zamorin at theinstigation of the Musselmen, who saw their commercial supremacymore and more compromised, assembled his allies at Pani with theobject of attacking the King of Cochin and of punishing him for thecounsel and assistance which he had given to the Portuguese. Theunfortunate Rajah's fidelity was now put to a hard proof. Besiegedin his capital by a large force, he saw himself all at once deprivedof the aid of those for whose advantage he had incurred so great arisk. Sodrez and several of his captains had deserted the post,where both honour and gratitude required them to remain, and if needwere, to die in the discharge of their duty; they forsook Triumparato go and cruise in the neighbourhood of Ormuz, and at the entranceto the Red Sea, where they calculated that the annual pilgrimage toMecca was likely to ensure them some rich booty. The Portugueseagent vainly represented to them the unworthiness of their conduct,they set out in haste, to escape from these inconvenient reproaches.

The King of Cochin, betrayed by some of the Nairs (military nobles)of his palace, who had been gained over by the Zamorin, soon saw hiscapital carried by assault, and was obliged to seek refuge upon aninaccessible rock in the little Island of Viopia, with thosePortuguese who had remained faithful to him. When he was reduced tothe last extremity, an emissary was sent to him by the Zamorin, topromise him pardon and oblivion of his offences if he would give upto him the Portuguese. But Triumpara, whose fidelity cannot besufficiently commended, answered, "that the Zamorin might use hisrights of victory; that he was not ignorant of the perils by whichhe was menaced, but that it was not in the power of any man to makehim a traitor and a perjurer." No one could have made a noblerreturn than this for the desertion and cowardice of Sodrez.

Vincent Sodrez had arrived at the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, when afearful tempest occurred, in which his ship split upon the rocks,and he and his brother perished. The survivors regarded this eventas a judgment of Providence for their bad conduct, and they madehaste, with all sails set to return to Cochin. They were detained bycontrary winds at the Laccadive Islands, and were there joined byanother Portuguese squadron under the command of Franciscod'Albuquerque, who had sailed from Lisbon almost at the same time ashis cousin Alfonzo d'Albuquerque the most distinguished captain ofthe period, who with the title of Capitam mõr had started from Belemat the beginning of April, 1503.

The arrival of Francisco d'Albuquerque placed the Portuguese affairs,which had been so gravely compromised by the criminal conduct ofSodrez, upon a better footing, and at the same time effected therescue of Triumpara, their sole and faithful ally. The besiegersfled at the sight of the Portuguese squadron, without even a show ofresistance, and the Europeans in conjunction with the troops of theKing of Cochin ravaged the Malabar Coast. As a consequence of theseevents, Triumpara allowed his allies to construct a second fortressin his dominions, and authorised an augmentation of the number andimportance of their mercantile houses. This was the moment thatwitnessed the arrival of Alfonzo d'Albuquerque, the man destined tobe the real creator of the Portuguese Empire in the Indies. Diaz,Cabral, and Gama, had prepared the way, but Albuquerque was theleader of large views who was needed to determine which were theprincipal towns that must be seized in order to place the Portuguesedominion upon a solid and lasting basis. Thus every particular ofthe history of this man who showed so great a genius forcolonisation, is of the deepest interest, and it is well worth whileto record some particulars of his family, his education, and hisearly exploits.

Alfonzo d'Alboquerque or d'Albuquerque, was born in 1453 at Alhandra,eighteen miles from Lisbon. Through his father Gonzalo d'Albuquerque,the Lord of Villaverde, he was descended, but illegitimately, fromKing Diniz; and through his mother from the Menezez, the greatexplorers. Brought up at the court of Alphonzo V., he there receivedas liberal and thorough an education as was possible at the period.He made an especial study of the great writers of antiquity, whoseinfluence may be traced in the majesty and accuracy of his own style,and of mathematics of which he knew as much as could be learnt atthat time. After staying for some years at Arzila, an African townwhich was under the dominion of Alphonzo V., he returned to Portugal,and was appointed Master of the Horse to John II., a prince whosechief anxiety was to extend the name and power of Portugal beyondthe seas. It is evident that it was to the constant attendance uponthe king imposed upon him by the duties of his office, thatAlbuquerque owed the inclination of his mind towards geographicalstudies, and his anxious desire to find the means of giving to hiscountry the Empire of the Indies. He had already taken part in anexpedition sent to the succour of the King of Naples against anincursion of the Turks, and in 1489, had been charged with thecommission of revictualling and defending the fortress of Graciosa,upon the coast of Larache.

We must now return from this digression and take up the history ofAlbuquerque, from the time of his arrival in India in 1503. It tookhim but a few days to become thoroughly aware of the position ofaffairs; he perceived that the commerce of Portugal must depend uponconquest for its power of development. But his first enterprise wasproportioned to the feebleness of his resources; he laid siege toRaphelim, which he wished to make a military station for hiscountrymen, and then with two ships he undertook a reconnaissance ofthe coast of Hindostan. Being attacked quite unexpectedly both byland and sea, he was on the point of yielding when the fortunatearrival of his cousin Francisco turned the combat, and put theZamorin's troops to flight. The importance of this victory wasconsiderable; the conquerors remained masters of an immense bootyand quantities of precious stones, which had the result ofstimulating the Portuguese spirit of covetousness; at the same timeit confirmed Albuquerque in his designs, for the execution of whichthe consent of the king was needful, and also more considerableresources. He therefore set out on his return to Lisbon, where hearrived in July, 1504.

This same year, King Emmanuel wishing to organize a regulargovernment in the Indies, had made Tristan da Cunha his viceroy, butDa Cunha having become temporarily blind was obliged to resign hispower before he had exercised it. The king's choice next fell uponFrancisco d'Almeida, who set out with his son in 1505. It will besoon seen what were the means which he considered should be employedto assure the triumph of his countrymen.

On the 6th of March, 1506, sixteen vessels left Lisbon under thecommand of Tristan da Cunha, who had by that time regained hishealth. With him went Alfonzo Albuquerque, carrying with him, butunknown to himself, his patent of Viceroy of India. He was orderednot to open the sealed packet until three years should have expired,when Almeida would have completed the term of his mission.

This numerous fleet, after having stopped at the Cape de VerdIslands and discovered Cape St. Augustine in Brazil, steereddirectly for the unexplored parts of the South Atlantic, and went sofar south that the old chroniclers assert that several sailors beingtoo lightly clad died from cold, while the others were scarcely ableto work the ships. In 37° 8' south latitude, and 14° 21' westlongitude, Da Cunha discovered three smalluninhabited islands, of which the largest still bears his name. Astorm prevented a landing there, and so completely dispersed thefleet that the admiral could not get his vessels together againbefore he arrived at Mozambique. In sailing along this African coasthe explored the island of Madagascar or Sam-Lorenzo, which had justbeen discovered by Soarez, who was in command of eight vessels whichAlmeida was sending back to Europe; it was not thought advisable tomake a settlement upon the island.

After having wintered at Mozambique, Da Cunha landed threeambassadors at Melinda, who were to reach Abyssinia by travellingoverland, then he anchored at Brava, which Coutinho, one of hislieutenants had been unable to subjugate. The Portuguese now laidsiege to this town, which resisted bravely but which yielded in theend, thanks to the courage of the enemy and the perfection of theirarms. The population was massacred without mercy, and the townpillaged and burnt. Upon Magadoxo, another town on the African Coast,Cunha tried but in vain, to impose his authority. The strength ofthe town and the stubborn resolution shown by the numerouspopulation as well as the approach of winter forced him to raise thesiege. He then turned his arms against Socotra, at the entrance ofthe Gulf of Aden, where he carried the fortress. The whole of thegarrison were put to the sword, the only man spared being an oldblind soldier, who was discovered hidden in a well. When asked howhe had been able to get down there, he answered,—"The blind onlysee the road which leads to liberty." At Socotra, the two Portuguesechiefs constructed the fort of Çoco, intended by Albuquerque tocommand the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea, by the Strait ofBab-el-Mandeb, thus cutting one of the lines of communication withthe Indies, which was the most used by the Venetians.

Here Da Cunha and Albuquerque separated, the former going to Indiato obtain a cargo of spices, the latter officially invested with thetitle of Capitam mõr, and bent on the realization of his vastschemes, setting out on the 10th of August, 1507, for Ormuz, havingleft his nephew Alfonzo da Noronha in charge of the new fortress. Hetook in succession, and as if to get his hand in for the work,Calayati, where were found immense stores, Curiaty and Mascati,which he gave up to pillage, fire, and destruction, in order toavenge a series of acts of treachery easily understood by those whoknow the duplicity of these eastern people. The success which he hadjust gained at Mascati, important as it was, did not contentAlbuquerque. He dreamed of other and grander projects, of which theexecution was, however, much compromised by the jealousy of thecaptains under his orders, and notably of Joao da Nova, whocontemplated abandoning his chief, and whom Albuquerque was obligedto place under arrest on board his own ship. After having suppressedthese beginnings of disobedience and rebellion, the Capitam mõrreached Orfacati, which was taken after a vigorous resistance.

It is a curious fact that Albuquerque had long heard Ormuz spoken of,but that as yet he was ignorant of its position. He knew that thistown served as an entrepôt for all the merchandise passing from Asiainto Europe. Its riches and power, the number of its inhabitants andthe beauty of its monuments were at that time celebrated throughoutthe East, so much so that there was a common saying, "If the worldbe a ring, Ormuz is the precious stone set in it." Albuquerque hadresolved to take this town, not only because in itself it was aprize worth having, but also because it commanded the whole of thePersian Gulf, which was the second of the great commercial roadsbetween the East and West. Without saying anything to the captainsof his fleet, who, without doubt, would have rebelled at the idea ofattacking so strong a town, and the capital of a powerful empire,Albuquerque gave orders to double Cape Mussendom, and the fleet soonentered the Strait of Ormuz, the door of the Persian Gulf, fromwhence was seen rising in all its magnificence a busy town builtupon a rocky island, provided with formidable artillery, andprotected by an army amounting to not less than from fifteen totwenty thousand men, while its harbour enclosed a fleet morenumerous than could have been suspected at first sight. At thissight the captains made urgent representations upon the danger thatAlbuquerque would run in attacking so well-prepared a town, and madethe most of the plea how very bad an influence a reverse wouldexercise. To this discourse Albuquerque answered, that indeed "itwas a very great affair, but that it was too late to draw back, andthat he had greater need of determination than of good advice."

Albuquerque before Ormuz.

Scarcely was the anchor dropped before Albuquerque declared hisultimatum. Although the forces under his orders were verydisproportionate in numbers, the Capitam mõr imperiously demandedthat Ormuz should recognize the suzerainty of the King of Portugaland submit to his envoy, if it did not wish to share the same fateas Mascati. The King, Seif-Ed-din, who was then reigning over Ormuz,was still a child, and his Prime Minister, Kodja-Atar, a skilful andcunning diplomatist, governed in the king's name. Without denying inprinciple the pretensions of Albuquerque, the Prime Minister wishedto gain time, to allow contingents to arrive for the help of thecapital; but the admiral, who guessed his object, did not hesitate,after waiting three days, to attack the formidable fleet at anchorunder the guns of Ormuz, with his five vessels and the Flor de laMar, the finest and largest ship of that time. The combat wasbloody and long undecided, but when they saw fortune was againstthem the Moors, abandoning their vessels, endeavoured to swim onshore. The Portuguese upon this jumped into their boats, pursuingthe Moors vigorously, and causing horrible carnage. Albuquerque nextdirected his efforts against a large wooden jetty defended bynumerous guns and by archers, whose well-aimed arrows wounded anumber of the Portuguese and the general himself, who, however, wasnot hindered thereby from landing and proceeding to burn the suburbsof the town. Convinced that resistance would soon be impossible, andthat their capital was in danger of being destroyed, the Moorshoisted a flag of truce, and signed a treaty, by which Seif-Ed-dindeclared himself the vassal of King Emmanuel, promised to pay him anannual tribute of 15,000 seraphins or xarafins, and gave to theconquerors a site for a fortress, which, in spite of the repugnanceand reproaches of the Portuguese captains, was soon put into acondition of resistance. Unfortunately some deserters quicklybrought these unworthy dissensions to the knowledge of Kodja-Atar,who profited by them to avoid, under various pretexts, fulfillingthe execution of the articles of the new treaty. Some daysafterwards Joao da Nova and two other captains, jealous of thesuccesses of Albuquerque, and trampling in the dust every sentimentof honour, discipline, and patriotism, left him to go to the Indies;while Albuquerque was obliged by this cowardly desertion to withdrawwithout being able even to guard the fortress which he had been atso much pains to construct. He went to Socotra, where the garrisonwas in need of help, and then returned to cruise before Ormuz, butthinking himself too weak to undertake anything, he retired for atime to Goa, arriving there at the end of the year 1508.

What had been occurring on the Malabar coast during this long andadventurous campaign? The answer may be summed up in a few lines. Itwill be remembered that Almeida had set out from Belem in 1505 witha fleet of twenty-two sail, carrying soldiers to the number of 1500men. First he seized Quiloa and then Mombaz, of which the "cavaliers,as the inhabitants loved to repeat, did not yield as easily as thechicken hearts of Quiloa." Out of the enormous booty, which by thefall of this town fell into the hands of the Portuguese, Almeidaonly took one arrow as his share of the spoil, thus giving a rareexample of disinterestedness. After having stopped at Melinda hewent on to Cochin, where he delivered to the Rajah the golden crownsent to him by Emmanuel, whilst he himself, with the presumptuousvanity of which he gave so many proofs, assumed the title of viceroy.Then, after commencing a fortress at Sofala, destined to overawe theMussulmen of that coast, Almeida and his son, Lorenzo, scoured theIndian Seas, destroying the Malabar fleets, capturing some tradingvessels, and causing great injury to the enemy, whose accustomedcommercial roads were thus intercepted. But for this cruisingwarfare a numerous fleet of light vessels was needed, for there wasscarcely any other harbour of refuge except Cochin upon the Asiaticcoast. How preferable was Albuquerque's system of establishinghimself in the country in a permanent manner, by constructingfortresses in all directions, by seizing upon the most powerfulcities, whence it was easy to branch off into the interior of thecountry, by rendering himself master of the keys of the straits, andthus ensuring with much less risk, and more solidity, the monopolyof the Indian commerce.

Meantime the victories of Almeida, and the conquests of Albuquerquehad much disquieted the Sultan of Egypt. The abandonment of theAlexandrian route caused a great diminution in the amount of impostsand dues of customs, anchorage, and transit, which were laid uponthe merchandise of Asia as it passed through his states. Therefore,with the help of the Venetians, who furnished him with the wood forship-building as well as with skilful sailors, he fitted out asquadron of twelve large ships, which came as far as Cochin, seekingthe fleet of Lorenzo d'Almeida, and defeating it in a bloody combatin which Lorenzo was killed. If the sorrow of the viceroy were greatat this sad news, at least he did not let it appear outwardly, butset to work to make all preparations for taking prompt vengeanceupon the Roumis,—an appellation which shows the lasting terrorattaching to the name of the Romans, and commonly used at this timeupon the Malabar coast, for all Mussulman soldiers coming fromByzantium. With nineteen sail Almeida appeared before the fort wherehis son had been killed, and gained a great victory, but one sullied,it must be confessed, by most frightful cruelties, so much so thatit soon became a common saying: "May the anger of the Franks fallupon thee as it fell upon Daboul." Not content with this firstsuccess, Almeida, some weeks later, annihilated the combined forcesof the Sultan of Egypt, and the Rajah of Calicut, before Diu. Thisvictory made a profound impression in India, and put an end to thepower of the Mahumetists of Egypt.

Joao da Nova and the other captains, who had abandoned Albuquerquebefore Ormuz, had decided to rejoin Almeida; they had excused theirdisobedience by calumnies, in consequence of which a judicialprocess was about to be instituted against Albuquerque, when theviceroy received the news of his being replaced in his office byAlbuquerque. At first Almeida declared that obedience must berendered to this sovereign decree, but afterwards influenced by thetraitors, who feared that they would be severely punished when thepower had passed into the hands of Albuquerque, he repaired toCochin in the month of March, 1509, with the fixed determination notto give up the command to his successor. There were disagreeable andpainful disputes between these two great men, in which all the wrongdone was on the side of Almeida. Albuquerque was about to be sent toLisbon with chains on his feet, when a fleet of fifteen sail enteredthe harbour, under the command of the grand Marshal of Portugal,Ferdinand Coutinho. The latter took the part of the prisoner, whomhe immediately released, notifying again to Almeida the powers heldby Albuquerque from the king, and threatening him with the greatanger of Emmanuel if he refused to obey. Almeida could do nothingbut yield, and he then did it nobly. As for Joao da Nova, the authorof these sad misunderstandings, he died some time afterwards,forsaken by everybody, and had scarcely any one to follow him to thegrave except the new viceroy, who thus generously forgot theinjuries done to Alfonzo Albuquerque.

Immediately after the departure of Almeida, the grand MarshalCoutinho declared that, having come to India with the intention ofdestroying Calicut, he intended to turn to account the absence ofthe Zamorin from his capital. In vain the new viceroy endeavoured tomodify his zeal and induce him to take the wise measures recommendedby experience. Coutinho would listen to nothing, and Albuquerque wasobliged to follow him. Calicut, taken by surprise, was easily set onfire; but the Portuguese, having lingered to pillage the Zamorin'spalace, were fiercely attacked in rear by the Nairs, who hadsucceeded in rallying their troops. Coutinho, whose impetuous valourled him into the greatest danger, was killed, and it required allthe skill and coolness of the viceroy to effect a re-embarkation ofthe troops under the enemy's fire, and to preserve the soldiers ofthe King of Portugal from total destruction.

On his return to Cintagara, a sea-port which was a dependency of theKing of Narsingue, with whom the Portuguese had been able to form analliance, Albuquerque learnt that Goa, the capital of a powerfulkingdom, was a prey to political and religious anarchy. Severalchiefs were contending there for power. One of them, Melek Çufergugi,was just on the point of seizing the throne, and it was important toprofit by the circ*mstances of the moment, and attack the townbefore he should have been able to gather a force capable ofresisting the Portuguese. The viceroy perceived all the importanceof this counsel. The situation of Goa, giving access as it did tothe kingdom of Narsingue and to the Deccan, had already struck himforcibly. He did not delay, and soon the Portuguese reckoned oneconquest more. Goa the Golden, a cosmopolitan town, where weremingled with all the various sects of Islam Parsees, the worshippersof Fire, and even some Christians, submitted to Albuquerque, andsoon became, under a wise and strict government which understood howto conciliate the sympathies of opposing sects, the capital, thechief fortress, and the principal seat of trade of the Portugueseempire of the Indies.

By degrees and with the course of years the knowledge of these richcountries had increased. Much information had been gathered togetherby all those who had ploughed these sunny seas in their gallantvessels, and it was now known what was the centre of production ofthose spices which people went so far to seek, and for whoseacquisition they encountered so many perils. It was already severalyears since Almeida had founded the first Portuguese factories inCeylon, the ancient Taprobane. The Islands of Sunda, and thePeninsula of Malacca, were now exciting the desires of King Emmanuel,who had already been surnamed "the fortunate." He resolved to send afleet to explore them, for Albuquerque had enough to do in India torestrain the trembling Rajahs, and the Mussulmen—Moors as they werethen called—who were always ready to shake off the yoke. This newexpedition was under the command of Diego Lopez Sequeira, andaccording to the traditional policy of the Moors, was at firstamicably received at Malacca; but when the suspicions of LopezSequeira had been lulled to sleep by reiterated protestations ofalliance, the whole population suddenly rose against him, and he wasforced to return on board, but not without leaving thirty of hiscompanions in the hands of the Malays. These events had alreadyhappened some time when the news of the taking of Goa arrived atMalacca. The bendarra, or Minister of Justice, who exercised regalpower in the name of his nephew who was still a child, fearing thevengeance which the Portuguese would doubtless exact for histreachery, resolved to pacify them. He went to visit his prisoners,excused himself to them by swearing that all had been done unknownto him and against his will, for he desired nothing so much as tosee the Portuguese establish themselves in Malacca; also he wasabout to order the authors of the treason to be sought out andpunished. The prisoners naturally gave no credence to these lyingdeclarations, but profiting by the comparative liberty which washenceforth granted to them, they cleverly succeeded in conveying toAlbuquerque some valuable information upon the position and strengthof the town.

Albuquerque with much trouble collected a fleet of nineteen men ofwar, carrying fourteen hundred men, amongst whom there were onlyeight hundred Portuguese. This being the case, ought he to venturein obedience to the wish of King Emmanuel to steer for Aden, the keyof the Red Sea, which it was important to master in preparation foropposing the passage of a new squadron, which the Sultan of Egyptwas intending to send to India? Albuquerque hesitated, when a changein the trade-winds occurred which put an end to his irresolution. Infact, it was impossible to reach Aden in the teeth of the prevailingwind, while it was favourable for a descent upon Malacca. This town,at that time in its full splendour, did not contain less than100,000 inhabitants. If many of the houses were built of wood, androofed with the leaves of the palm-tree, yet they were equalled innumber by the more important buildings, such as mosques and towersbuilt of stone, which stretched out in a long panorama for thedistance of three miles. The ships of India, China, and of the Malaykingdoms of the Sunda Islands, met in its harbour, where numerousvessels coming from the Malabar coast, the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea,and the coast of Africa traded in merchandise of all kinds and ofevery country.

When the Rajah of Malacca saw the Portuguese fleet arrive in hiswaters, he felt that it was necessary to appear to give satisfactionto the foreigners by sacrificing the minister who had excited theiranger and caused their arrival. His ambassador therefore came to theviceroy to announce the death of the bendarra, and to find outwhat were the intentions of the Portuguese. Albuquerque answered bydemanding the prisoners who had remained in the hands of the Rajah,but the latter, desirous of gaining time to allow for the expectedchange in the trade-wind,—a change which would force the Portugueseto regain the Malabar coast, or else would oblige them to remain atMalacca, where he hoped to be able to exterminate them,—invented athousand pretexts for delay, and in the meantime according to theold narratives, he prepared a battery of 8000 cannon, and collectedtroops to the number of 20,000. At length Albuquerque lost hispatience, and ordered some houses and several Gujerat vessels to beset on fire, a beginning of execution which speedily brought aboutthe restoration of the prisoners; he then claimed 20,000 crusades asindemnity for the damage caused to the fleet of Lopez Sequeira, andfinally he demanded to be allowed to build a fortress within thetown itself, which should also serve as a counting-house for themerchants. This demand could not be complied with as Albuquerquewell knew; but upon the refusal he resolved to seize the town,fixing upon St. James' day for the attack. The town was takenquarter by quarter, house by house, after a truly heroic struggleand a most vigorous defence, which lasted for nine whole days,notwithstanding the employment of extraordinary devices, such aselephants of war, poisoned sabres and arrows, barricades, andskilfully concealed troops. An enormous booty was divided amongstthe soldiers, Albuquerque only reserving to himself six lions, ofgold according to some accounts, of iron according to others, whichhe intended for the adornment of his tomb, to perpetuate the memoryof his victory.

The door which gave access to Oceania, and to Upper Asia, washenceforth open. Many nations unknown till this time would now haveintercourse with Europeans. The strange manners and fabulous historyof many people were about to be disclosed to the astonished West. Anew era had commenced, and these great results were due to theunbridled audacity, and indomitable courage of a nation whosecountry was scarcely discernible upon the map of the world!

It was in part owing to the religious toleration which Albuquerquedisplayed, a toleration which contrasts strangely with the cruelfanaticism of the Spaniards, and in part to the skilful measureswhich he took, that the prosperity of Malacca resisted the rudeshock which it had received. In the course of a few months no traceremained of the trials which the town had experienced, except thesight of the Portuguese banner floating proudly over this great city,which had now become the head and vanguard of the colonial empire ofthis people, small in numbers, but rendered great by their courageand their spirit of enterprise.

Great and wonderful as this new conquest might be, it had not madeAlbuquerque forget his former projects. If he had appeared to haverenounced them, it was only because circ*mstances had not hithertoseemed favourable for their execution. With that tenacity ofdetermination which formed the basis of his character, while stillat the southern extremity of the empire which he was founding, histhoughts were fixed upon the northern part of it, upon Ormuz, whichthe jealousy and treachery of his subordinates had obliged him toabandon at the beginning of his career, at the very moment whensuccess was about to crown his persevering efforts; it was Ormuzwhich tempted him still.

The fame of his exploits and the terror inspired by his name haddecided Kodja-Atar to make some advances to Albuquerque, to ask fora treaty, and to send the arrears of the tribute which had beenformerly imposed. Although the viceroy placed no belief on theserepeated declarations of friendship—on that Moorish faith whichdeserves to be as notorious as Punic faith,—he neverthelesswelcomed them, whilst waiting for the power to establish hisdominion after a permanent manner in these countries. In 1513 or1514—the exact date is not ascertained—when his fleet and soldierswere set at liberty by the conquest of Malacca and the tranquillityof his other possessions, Albuquerque set sail for the Persian Gulf.Immediately upon his arrival, although a series of revolutions hadchanged the government of Ormuz and the power was then in the handsof a usurper named Rais-Nordim or Noureddin, Albuquerque demandedthat the fortress, which had been formerly begun, should beimmediately placed in his hands. After having had it repaired andfinished, he took part against the pretender Rais Named, in thequarrel which was then dividing the town of Ormuz and preparing itto fall under the dominion of Persia. He seized upon the town andbestowed it upon the aspirant who had accepted his conditionsbeforehand, and who appeared to Albuquerque to present the mostsolid guarantees of submission and fidelity. Besides, it would notbe difficult in the future to make this certain, for Albuquerqueleft in the new fortress a garrison perfectly able to bringRais-Nordim to repentance for the slightest attempt at revolt, orthe least desire of independence.

A well-known anecdote is related of this expedition to Ormuz, butone which, even from its notoriety, we should be blamed for omitting.When the King of Persia sent to Noureddin to demand the tributewhich the sovereigns of Ormuz had been in the habit of paying to him,Albuquerque gave orders that a quantity of bullets, cannon-balls andshells, should be brought from his ships, and showing them to theambassadors he told them that such was the coin in which the King ofPortugal was accustomed to pay tribute. It does not appear that thePersian ambassadors repeated their demand.

Albuquerque had a quantity of bullets brought from his vessels.

With his usual wisdom, the viceroy did not wound the feelings of theinhabitants, who speedily returned to the town. Far from squeezingall he could from them, as his successors were destined soon to do,he established an upright system of government which caused thePortuguese name to be loved and respected.

At the same time that he was himself accomplishing these marvellouslabours, Albuquerque had desired some of his lieutenants to explorethe unknown regions to which access had been given by the taking ofMalacca. For this purpose he gave to Antonio and Francisco d'Abreuthe command of a small squadron carrying 220 men, with which theyexplored the whole of the Sunda Archipelago, Sumatra, Java, Anjoam,Simbala, Jolor, Galam, &c.; then being not far from the coast ofAustralia they sailed back again to the north and arrived at theIslands of Buro and Amboyna, which form part of the Molucca group.After having made a voyage of more than 1500 miles amongst dangerousarchipelagos strewn with rocks and coral reefs, and amidstpopulations often hostile, and after loading their ships there withcloves, nutmegs, sandal-wood, mace, and pearls, they set sail forMalacca in 1512. This time the veritable land of spices had beenreached, it now only remained to found establishments there and totake possession of it definitely, which was not likely to be longpostponed.

It has been often remarked that the Tarpeian rock is not far fromthe Capitol; of this Albuquerque was destined to make experience,and his last days were to be saddened by unmerited disgrace, theresult of calumnies and lies, and of a skilfully woven plot, which,although it succeeded in temporarily clouding his reputation withKing Emmanuel, has not availed to obscure the glory of this greatman in the eyes of posterity. Already there had been an effort madeto persuade the king that the taking possession of Goa had been agrave error; its unhealthy climate must, it was said, decimate theEuropean population in a short time, but the king, with perfectconfidence in the experience and prudence of his lieutenant, hadrefused to listen to his enemies, for which Albuquerque had publiclythanked him, saying,—"I think more is owing to King Emmanuel forhaving defended Goa against the Portuguese, than to myself forhaving twice conquered it." But in 1514 Albuquerque had asked theking to bestow upon him as a reward for his services the title ofDuke of Goa, and it was this imprudent step which gave an advantageto his adversaries.

Soarez d'Albergavia and Diogo Mendez, whom Albuquerque had sent asprisoners to Portugal after they had publicly declared themselveshis enemies, had succeeded not only in clearing themselves from theaccusation brought against them by the viceroy, but in persuadingEmmanuel that he wished to constitute an independent duchy of whichGoa should be the capital, and they ended by obtaining his disgrace.The news of the appointment of Albergavia to the post ofCaptain-General of Cochin, reached Albuquerque as he was issuingfrom the Strait of Ormuz on his return to the Malabar coast, and ata time when he was suffering much from disease. "He raised his handstowards heaven," says M. F. Denis, in his excellent History ofPortugal, "and pronounced these few words: Behold I am in disgracewith the king on account of my love to men, and with men on accountof my love to the king. Turn thee, old man, to the Church, andprepare to die, for it behoves thine honour that thou shouldest die,and never hast thou neglected to do aught which thine honourdemands." Whereupon, being arrived in the roadstead of Goa, AlfonzoAlbuquerque set in order the affairs of his conscience with theChurch, caused himself to be clad in the dress of the Order of St.Iago of which he was a commander, and then "on Sunday the 16th ofDecember, an hour before daybreak, he rendered up his soul to God.Thus ended all his labours, without their having ever brought himany satisfaction."

Albuquerque was buried with great pomp. The soldiers who had beenthe faithful companions of his wonderful adventures, and thewitnesses of his manifold tribulations, disputed amidst their tearsfor the honour of carrying his remains to their last resting-place,which their commander had himself chosen. The Hindoos in their griefrefused to believe that he was dead, declaring that he was gone tocommand the armies of the sky. A letter of King Emmanuel has beencomparatively lately discovered which proves that, although he weredeceived for a time by the false reports of the enemies ofAlbuquerque, he soon discovered his mistake, and rendered him fulland entire justice. Unfortunately this letter of reparation neverreached the unfortunate second Viceroy of the Indies; it would havesweetened his last moments, whereas he had the pain of dying in thebelief that the sovereign for whose glory and the increase of whosepower he had consecrated his life, had in the end proved ungratefultowards him. "With Albuquerque," says Michelet, "all humanity andall justice disappeared from amongst the conquerors. Long yearsafter his death the Indians would repair to the tomb of the greatAlbuquerque, to demand justice of him against the oppressions of hissuccessors."

Many causes may be adduced as bringing about the rapid decay anddismemberment of that great colonial empire with which Albuquerquehad enriched his country, and which even amidst its ruins has leftineffaceable traces upon India. With Michelet we may cite thedistance and dispersion of the various factories, the smallness ofthe population of Portugal, but little suited to the wide extensionof her establishments, the love of brigandage, and the exactions ofa bad government, but beyond all, that indomitable national pridewhich forbade any mingling of the victors with the vanquished.

The fall of the colonial empire was hindered for a time by theinfluence of two heroic men, the first was Juan de Castro, who afterhaving had the control of untold riches, remained so poor that hehad not even the wherewithal to buy a fowl in his last illness; andthe second, Ataïde, who once again gave the corrupt easternpopulations an example of the most manly virtues, and of the mostupright administration. But after their time the empire began todrop to pieces, and fell by degrees into the hands of the Spaniardsand the Dutch, who in their turn were unable to preserve it intact.All passes away, all is changed. What can be said but to repeat theSpanish saw, in applying it to the case of empires, "Life is but adream"?

PART II.

CHAPTER I.

Hojeda—Americus Vespucius—The New World named after him—Juan dela Cosa—Vincent Yañez Pinzon—Bastidas—Diego de Lepe—Diaz deSolis—Ponce de Leon and Florida—Balboa discovers the PacificOcean—Grijalva explores the coast of Mexico.

The letters and narratives of Columbus and his companions,especially those dwelling upon the large quantity of gold and pearlsfound in the recently discovered countries, had inflamed theimagination of eager traders, and of numbers of gentlemen who lovedadventure. On the 10th of April, 1495, the Spanish government hadissued an order allowing any one who might wish to do so, to go anddiscover new countries; but this privilege was so much abused, andColumbus complained so bitterly of its trenching upon establishedrights, that the permission was withdrawn on the 2nd of June, 1497,and four years later it became necessary to repeat the prohibitionwith more severe penalties attached to its infringement. The effectof the royal decree was at once to produce a kind of general rush tothe Indies, and this was favoured by Bishop Fonseca of Badajoz,through whose hands passed all business connected with the Indies,and of whom Columbus had had so much reason to complain.

The admiral had but just left San-Lucar on his third voyage, whenfour expeditions of discovery were fitted out almost at the samemoment, at the cost of some rich ship-owners, foremost among whom wefind the Pinzons and Americus Vespucius. The first of theseexpeditions, which left the port of Santa-Maria on the 20th of May,1499, consisted of four vessels, and was commanded by Alonzo Hojeda.Juan de la Cosa sailed with him as pilot; Americus Vespucius wasalso on board, without any very clearly defined duties, but he wouldseem to have been astronomer to the fleet.

Americus Vespucius. Fac-simile of an old print.

Before entering on a brief account of this voyage, we will glancefor a few moments at the three men whom we have just named; the lastof the three especially, plays a most important part in thediscovery of the New World, which received its name from him.

Hojeda, born at Cuença about 1465, and brought up in the householdof the Duke of Medina-Celi, had gained his first experience in armsin the wars against the Moors. Columbus enrolled him amongst theadventurers whom he recruited for his second voyage, when Hojedadistinguished himself alike by his cool courage and his readiness insurmounting all difficulties. What caused his complete rupture withColumbus remains a mystery; it appears still more inexplicable whenwe think of the distinguished services that Hojeda had rendered,especially in 1495, at the battle of La Vega, when the CaribbeanConfederation was annihilated. All we know is, that on Hojeda'sreturn to Spain he found shelter and protection with Bishop Fonseca.It is said even that the Indian minister supplied him with thejournal of the admiral's last voyage, and the map of the countrieswhich Columbus had discovered.

The first pilot employed by Hojeda was Juan de la Cosa, bornprobably at Santona, in the Biscayan country. He had often sailedalong the coast of Africa before accompanying Columbus on his firstvoyage, while in the second expedition he filled the post ofhydrographer (maestro de hacer cartas).

As specimens of La Cosa's talent in drawing maps may be mentionedtwo very curious ones still extant; one showing all the territorythat had been acquired in Africa in 1500, the other on vellum, andenriched with colour like the first, giving the discoveries made byColumbus and his successors. The second pilot was Bartholomew Roldan,who had likewise sailed with Columbus on his voyage to Paria.

As to Americus Vespucius, his duties were not, as we have said, veryclearly defined, he was there to aid in making discoveries (perajutare a discoprire, says the Italian text of his letter toSoderini). Born at Florence on the 9th of March, 1451, AmerigoVespucci belonged to a family of distinction and wealth. He had mademathematics, natural philosophy, and astrology (as it was thencalled) his special studies. His knowledge of history and literature,judging from his letters, appears to have been somewhat vague andill-digested. He left Florence in 1492 without any special aim inview, and went to Spain, where he occupied himself at first incommercial pursuits. We hear of him in Seville acting as factor inthe powerful trading house of his fellow countryman, Juanoto Berardi.As this house had advanced money to Columbus for his second voyage,it is not unlikely that Vespucius had become acquainted with theadmiral at this period of his career. On Juanoto's death in 1495,Vespucius was placed by his heirs at the head of the financialdepartment of the house. Whether he may have been tired of asituation that he thought below his powers, or been seized in histurn with the fever for making new discoveries, or whether he hopedto make his fortune rapidly in the new countries reputed to be sorich; whatever in short may have been the motive that actuated him,at least this we know, that he joined Hojeda's expedition in 1499,this fact being so stated in Hojeda's deposition in the law-suitinstituted by the Treasury with the heirs of Columbus.

The flotilla, consisting of four vessels, set sail on the 20th ofMay from Santa-Maria, taking a south-westerly course, and intwenty-seven days the American continent was sighted at the placewhich was named Venezuela, because the houses being built upon pilesreminded the beholders of Venice. Hojeda, after some ineffectualattempts to hold intercourse with the natives, with whom he hadseveral skirmishes, next saw the Island of Margarita; after sailingabout 250 miles to the east of the river Orinoco he reached the Gulfof Paria, and entered a bay called the Bay of Las Perlas, from thenatives of that part being employed in the pearl fisheries.

Guided by the maps of Columbus, Hojeda passed by the Dragon's-Mouth,which separates Trinidad from the continent, and returned westwardto Cape La Vela. Then, after touching at the Caribbee Islands,where he made a number of prisoners, whom he hoped to sell forslaves in Spain, he was obliged to cast anchor at Yaquimo, inHispaniola, on the 5th of September, 1499.

Columbus, knowing Hojeda's courage and his restless spirit only toowell, feared that he would introduce a new element of discord intothe colony. He therefore despatched Francesco Roldan with twocaravels to inquire into his motives in coming to the island, and ifnecessary to prevent his landing. The admiral's fears were but toowell grounded; Hojeda had scarcely landed before he had an interviewwith some of the malcontents, inciting them to a rising at Xaragua,and to a determination to expel Columbus. After some skirmishes,which had not ended to Hojeda's advantage, a meeting was arrangedfor him with Roldan, Diego d'Escobar, and Juan de la Cosa, when theyprevailed upon him to leave the island. "He took with him," says LasCasas, "a prodigious cargo of slaves, whom he sold in the market atCadiz for enormous sums of money." He returned to Spain in February,1500, where he had been preceded by Americus Vespucius and B. Roldanon the 18th of October, 1499.

The most southerly point that Hojeda had reached in this voyage was4° north latitude, and he had only spent fourteen weeks onthe voyage of discovery, properly so called. If we appear to havedwelt at some length upon this voyage, it is because it was thefirst one made by Vespucius. Some authors, Varnhagen for instance,and quite recently, Mr. H. Major, in his history of Prince Henry theNavigator, assert that Vespucius' first voyage was in 1497, andconsequently that he must have seen the American continent beforeColumbus, but we prefer to follow Humboldt, who spent so many yearsin studying the history of the discovery of America, in his opinionthat 1499 was the right date, also M. Ed. Charton and M. JulesCodine, the latter of whom discussed this question in the Report ofthe Geographical Society for 1873, apropos of Mr. Major's book.

"If it were true," says Voltaire, "that Vespucius had discovered theAmerican Continent, yet the glory would not be his; it belongsundoubtedly to the man who had the genius and courage to undertakethe first voyage, to Columbus." As Newton says in his argument withLeibnitz, "the glory is due only to the inventor." But we agree withM. Codine when he says, "How can we allow that there was anexpedition in 1497 which resulted in the discovery of above 2500miles of the coast-line of the mainland, when there is no trace ofit left either among the great historians of that time, or in thelegal depositions in connexion with the claims made by the heir ofColumbus against the Spanish Government, in which the priority ofthe discoveries of each leader of an expedition is carefullymentioned, with the part of the coast explored by each?" Finally,the authentic documents extracted from the archives of the Casa decontratacion make it evident that Vespucius was entrusted with thepreparation of the vessels destined for the third voyage of Columbusat Seville and at San Lucar from the middle of August, 1497, tillthe departure of Columbus on the 30th of May, 1498. The narrativesof the voyages of Vespucius are very diffuse and wanting inprecision and order; the information they give upon the places hevisited is so vague, that it might apply to one part of the coast aswell as to another; as to the localities treated of, as well as ofthe companions of Vespucius, there are no indications given of anature to aid the historian. Not a single name is given of anywell-known person, and the dates are contradictory in those famousletters which have given endless work to commentators. Humboldt saysof them "There is an element of discord in the most authenticdocuments relating to the Florentine navigator." We have given anaccount of Hojeda's first voyage, which coincides with that ofVespucius according to Humboldt, who has compared the principalincidents of the two narratives. Varnhagen asserts that Vespucius,having started on the 10th of May, 1497, entered the Gulf ofHonduras on the 10th of June, coasted by Yucatan and Mexico, sailedup the Mississippi, and at the end of February, 1498, doubled theCape of Florida. After anchoring for thirty-seven days at the mouthof the St. Lawrence, he returned to Cadiz in October, 1498.

If Vespucius had really made this marvellous voyage, he would havefar outstripped all the navigators of his time, and would have fullydeserved that his name should be given to the newly-discoveredcontinent, whose coast-line he had explored for so great a distance.But nothing is less certain, and Humboldt's opinion has hithertoappeared to the best writers to offer the largest amount ofprobability.

Americus Vespucius made three other voyages. Humboldt identifies thefirst with that of Vincent Yañez Pinzon, and M. d'Avezac with thatof Diego de Lepe (1499-1500). At the close of this latter year,Giuliano Bartholomeo di Giocondo induced Vespucius to enter theservice of Emmanuel, King of Portugal, and he accomplished two morevoyages at the expense of his new master. On the first of these twovoyages, he was no higher in command than he had been in his earlierones, and only accompanied the expedition as one whose intimateacquaintance with all nautical matters might prove of service undercertain circ*mstances. During this voyage the ships coasted alongthe American shores from Cape St. Augustine to 52° of southlatitude. The fourth voyage of Vespucius was marked by the wreck ofthe flag-ship off the Island of Fernando de Noronha, which preventedthe other vessels from continuing their voyage towards Malacca byway of the Cape of Good Hope, and obliged the crews to land at AllSaints' Bay, in Brazil.

This fourth voyage was unquestionably made with Gonzalo Coelho, butwe are quite ignorant as to who was in command on the third voyage.These various expeditions had not tended to enrich Vespucius, whilehis position at the Portuguese court was so far from satisfactorythat he determined to re-enter the service of the King of Spain. Byhim he was made Piloto Mayor on the 22nd of March, 1508. Therewere some valuable emoluments attached for his advantage to thisappointment, which enabled him to end his days, if not as a rich man,at least as one far removed from want. He died at Seville on the22nd of February, 1512, with the same conviction as Columbus, thathe had reached the shores of Asia. Americus Vespucius is especiallyfamous from the New World having been named after him, instead ofbeing called Columbia, as in all justice it should have been, butwith this Vespucius had nothing to do. He was for a long timecharged, though most unjustly, with impudence, falsehood, and deceit,it being alleged that he wished to veil the glory of Columbus and toarrogate to himself the honour of a discovery which did not belongto him. This was an utterly unfounded accusation, for Vespucius wasboth loved and esteemed by Columbus and his contemporaries, andthere is nothing in his writings to justify this calumniousassertion. Seven printed documents exist which are attributed toVespucius; they are—the abridged accounts of his four voyages, twonarratives of his third and fourth voyages, in the form of letters,addressed to Lorenzo de Pier Francesco de Medici, and a letteraddressed to the same nobleman, relative to the Portuguesediscoveries in the Indies. These documents, printed and bound up assmall thin volumes, were soon translated into various languages anddistributed throughout Europe.

It was in the year 1507 that a certain Hylacolymus, whose real namewas Martin Waldtzemuller, first proposed to give the name of Americato the new part of the world. He did so in a book printed at SaintDié and called Cosmographia introductio. In 1509 a smallgeographical treatise appeared at Strasburg adopting the proposal ofHylacolymus; and in 1520 an edition of Pomponius Mela was printed atBasle, giving a map of the New World with the name of America. Fromthis time the number of works employing the denomination proposed byWaldtzemuller increased perpetually.

Some years later, when Waldtzemuller was better informed as to thereal discoverer of America and of the value to be placed upon thevoyages of Vespucius, he eliminated from his book all that relatedto the latter, and substituted everywhere the name of Columbus forthat of Vespucius, but it was too late, the same error has prevailedever since.

As to Vespucius himself, it seems very unlikely that he was at allaware of the excitement which prevailed in Europe, nor of what waspassing at St. Dié. The testimony that has been unanimously borne tohis honourable and upright conduct should surely clear him from theunmerited accusations which have for too long a time clouded hismemory.

Three other expeditions left Spain almost at the same time as thatof Hojeda. The first of these, consisting of but one vessel, sailedfrom Barra Saltez in June 1499. Pier Alonzo Nino, who had servedunder Columbus in his two last voyages, was its commander, and hewas accompanied by Christoval Guerra, a merchant of Seville, whoprobably defrayed the expenses of the expedition. This voyage to thecoast of Paria seems to have been dictated more by the hope oflucrative commerce than by the interests of science. No newdiscoveries were made, but the two voyagers returned to Spain inApril, 1500, bringing with them so large a quantity of valuablepearls as to excite the cupidity of their countrymen, who becameanxious to try their own fortunes in the same direction.

The second expedition was commanded by Vincent Yañez Pinzon, theyounger brother of Alonzo Pinzon who had been captain of the Pintaand had shown so much jealousy of Columbus, even adopting thefollowing mendacious device:—

A Castilla, y a Leon
Nuevo Mundo dio Pinzon.

Yañez Pinzon, whose devotion to the admiral equalled his brother'sjealousy, had advanced an eighth part of the funds required for theexpedition of 1492, and had on that occasion been in command of theNina.

He set out in December, 1499, with four vessels, of which only tworeturned to Palos at the end of September, 1500. He touched thecoast of the newly discovered continent at a point near the shorevisited by Hojeda some months before, and explored the coast forsome 2400 miles, discovering Cape St. Augustine at 8° 20'south latitude, following the coast-line in a north-westerlydirection to Rio Grande, which he named Santa-Maria de la Mardulce, and continuing in the same direction as far as Cape St.Vincent. Diego de Lepe explored the same coasts with two caravelsfrom January to June, 1500; there is nothing particular to record ofthis voyage beyond the very important observation that was made onthe direction of the coast-line of the continent starting from CapeSt. Augustine. Lepe had but just returned to Spain when two vesselsleft Cadiz, equipped by Rodrigo M. Bastidas, a wealthy and highlyrespectable man, with the view of making some fresh discoveries, butabove all with the object of collecting as large a quantity of goldand pearls as possible, for which were to be bartered glass beadsand other worthless trifles. Juan de la Cosa, whose talents as anavigator were proverbial, and who knew these coasts well fromhaving explored them, was really at the head of this expedition. Thesailors went on shore and saw the Rio Sinu, the Gulf of Urabia, andreached the Puerto del Retrete or de los Escribanos, in theIsthmus of Panama. This harbour was not visited by Columbus till the26th of November, 1502; it is situated about seventeen miles fromthe once celebrated, but now destroyed town of Nombre de Dios. Infact this expedition, which had been organized by a merchant, became,thanks to Juan de la Cosa, one of the voyages the most fertile indiscoveries; but alas! it came to a sad termination; the vesselswere lost in the Gulf of Xaragua, and Bastidas and La Cosa wereobliged to make their way by land to St. Domingo. When they arrivedthere, Bovadilla, the upright man and model governor, whose infamousconduct to Columbus we have already mentioned, had them arrested, onthe plea that they had bought some gold from the Indians of Xaragua;he sent them off to Spain, which was only reached after a fearfullystormy voyage, some of the vessels being lost on the way.

After this expedition, so fruitful in results, voyages of discoverybecame rather less frequent for some years; the Spaniards beingoccupied in asserting their supremacy in the countries in which theyhad already founded colonies.

Indians devoured by Dogs. From an old print.

The colonization of Hispaniola had commenced in 1493, when the townof Isabella was built. Two years afterwards Christopher Columbus hadtravelled over the island and had subjugated the poor savages, bymeans of those terrible dogs which had been trained to hunt Indians,and unaccustomed as the natives were to any hard work, he had forcedthem to toil in the mines. Both Bovadilla and Ovando treating theIndians as a herd of cattle, had divided them among the colonists asslaves. The cruelty with which this unfortunate people was treatedbecame more and more unbearable. By means of a despicable ambush,Ovando seized the Queen of Xaragua and 300 of her principal subjects,and at a given signal they were all put to the sword without therebeing any crime adduced against them. "For some years," saysRobertson, "the gold brought into the royal treasury of Spainamounted to about 460,000 pesos (2,400,000 livres of the currencyof Tours) an enormous sum if we take into consideration the greatincrease in the value of money since the beginning of the sixteenthcentury." In 1511 Diego Velasquez conquered Cuba with 300 men, andhere again were enacted the terrible scenes of bloodshed and pillagewhich have rendered the Spanish name so sadly notorious. They cutoff the thumbs of the natives, put out their eyes, and pouredboiling oil or melted lead into their wounds, even when they did nottorture them by burning them over a slow fire to extract from themthe secret of the treasures of which they were believed to be thepossessors. It was only natural under these circ*mstances that thepopulation rapidly decreased, and the day was not far off when itwould be wholly exterminated. To understand fully the sufferings ofthis race thus odiously persecuted, the touching and horriblenarrative of Las Casas must be read, himself the indefatigabledefender of the Indians.

Indians burnt alive. From an old print.

In Cuba, the Cacique Hattuey was made prisoner and condemned to beburnt. When he was tied to the stake, a Franciscan monk tried toconvert him, promising him that if he would only embrace theChristian faith, he would be at once admitted to all the joys ofParadise. "Are there any Spaniards in that land of happiness and joyof which you speak?" asked Hattuey. "Yes," replied the monk, "butonly those who have been just and good in their lives." "The verybest among them can have neither justice nor mercy!" said the poorcacique, "I do not wish to go to any place where I should meet asingle man of that accursed race."

Does not this fact suffice to paint the degree of exasperation towhich these unfortunate people had been driven? And these horrorswere repeated wherever the Spaniards set foot! We will throw a veilover these atrocities practised by men who thought themselvescivilized, and who pretended that they wished to convert toChristianity, the religion pre-eminently of love and mercy, a racewho were in reality less savage than themselves.

In 1504 and 1505 four vessels explored the Gulf of Urabia. This wasthe first voyage in which Juan de la Cosa had the supreme command.This seems, too, to have been about the date of Hojeda's thirdvoyage, when he went to the territory of Coquibacoa, a voyage thatcertainly was made, as Humboldt says, but of which we have no clearaccount.

In 1509 Juan Diaz de Solis, in concert with Vincent Yañez Pinzon,discovered a vast province, since known by the name of Yucatan.

"Though this expedition was not a very remarkable one in itself,"says Robertson, "it deserves to be noticed as it led to discoveriesof the utmost importance." For the same reason we must mention thevoyage of Diego d'Ocampo, who being charged to sail round Cuba, wasthe first to ascertain the fact that it was a large island, Columbushaving always regarded it as part of the continent. Two years laterJuan Diaz de Solis and Vincent Pinzon sailing southwards towards theequinoctial line, advanced as far as the 40° of southlatitude, and found, to their surprise, that the continent extendedon their right hand even to this immense distance. They landedseveral times, and took formal possession of the country, but couldnot found any colonies there, on account of the small resources theyhad at their command. The principal result of this voyage was themore exact knowledge which it gave of the extent of this part of theglobe.

Alonzo de Hojeda, whose adventures we have narrated above, was thefirst to think of founding a colony on the mainland; although he hadno means of his own, his courage and enterprising spirit soon gainedhim associates, who furnished him with the funds needed for carryingout his plans.

With the same object Diego de Nicuessa, a rich colonist ofHispaniola, organized an expedition in 1509.

King Ferdinand, who was always lavish of encouragements which costlittle, gave both Hojeda and Nicuessa honourable titles and patentsof nobility, but not a single maravédis (a Spanish coin). He alsodivided the newly-discovered continent into two governments, ofwhich one was to extend from Cape La Vela to the Gulf of Darien,and the other from the Gulf of Darien to Cape Gracias a Dios. Thefirst was given to Hojeda, the second to Nicuessa. These two"conquistadores" had to deal with a population far less easy tomanage than that of the Antilles. Determined to resist to the utmostthe invasion of their country, they adopted means of resistancehitherto unknown to the Spaniards. Thus the strife became deadly. Ina single engagement seventy of Hojeda's companions fell under thearrows of the savages, fearful weapons steeped in "curare," so fatala poison that the slightest wound was followed by death. Nicuessa onhis side, had much difficulty in defending himself, and in spite oftwo considerable reinforcements from Cuba, the greater number of hisfollowers perished during the year from wounds, fatigue, privations,or sickness. The survivors founded the small colony of Santa-Mariael Antigua upon the Gulf of Darien, and placed it under the commandof Balboa.

Before we speak of Balboa's wonderful expedition, we must notice thediscovery of a country that forms the most northerly side of thatarc, cut so deeply into the continent, and which bears the name ofthe Gulf of Mexico. In 1502 Juan Ponce de Leon, a member of one ofthe oldest families in Spain, had arrived in Hispaniola with Ovando.He had assisted in its subjugation, and in 1508 had conquered theisland of San Juan de Porto Rico. Having learnt from the Indiansthat there existed a fountain in the island of Bimini whichpossessed the miraculous power of restoring youth to all who drankof its waters, Ponce de Leon resolved to go in search of it.Infirmities must have been already creeping on him at fifty years ofa*ge, or he would scarcely have felt the need of trying this fountain.Ponce de Leon equipped three vessels at his own expense, and set outfrom St. Germain in Porto Rico on the 1st of March, 1512. He wentfirst to the Lucayan Islands, which he searched in vain, and then tothe Bahamas. If he did not succeed in finding the fountain of youthwhich he sought so credulously, at least he had the satisfaction ofdiscovering an apparently fertile tract of country, which he namedFlorida, either from his landing there on Palm Sunday,(Pâques-Fleuries), or perhaps from its delightful aspect. Such adiscovery would have contented many a traveller, but Ponce de Leonwent from one island to another, tasting the water of every streamthat he met with, without the satisfaction of seeing his white hairagain becoming black or his wrinkles disappearing. After spendingsix months in this fruitless search, he was tired of playing thedupe, so giving up the business he returned to Porto Rico on the 5thof October, leaving Perez de Ortubia and the pilot Antonio deAlaminos to continue the search. Père Charlevoix says, "He was theobject of great ridicule when he returned in much suffering, andlooking older than when he set out."

This voyage, so absurd in its motive but so fertile in its results,might well be considered to be simply imaginary, were it not vouchedfor by historians of such high repute as Peter Martyr, Oviedo,Herrera, and Garcilasso de la Vega.

Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, who was fifteen years younger than Ponce deLeon, had come to America with Bastidas and had settled inHispaniola. He was only anxious for a safe refuge from his numerouscreditors, being, as were so many of his fellow-countrymen, deeplyin debt, in spite of the repartimiento of Indians which had beenallotted to him. Unfortunately for Balboa a law had been passedforbidding any vessels bound for the mainland taking insolventdebtors on board, but his ingenuity was equal to this emergency, forhe had himself rolled in an empty barrel to the vessel which was tocarry Encisco to Darien. The chief of the expedition had no choicebut to receive the brave adventurer who had joined him in thissingular manner, and who never fled except from duns, as he soonproved on landing. The Spaniards, accustomed to find but littleresistance from the natives of the Antilles, could not subjugate thefierce inhabitants of the mainland. On account of the dissensionsthat had arisen among themselves, they were obliged to take refugeat Santa-Maria el Antigua, a settlement which Balboa, now electedcommandant in place of Encisco, founded in Darien.

If the personal bravery of Balboa, or the ferocity of Leoncillo hisblood-hound—who was more dreaded than twenty armed men and receivedthe same pay as a soldier,—could have awed the Indians, Balboawould have also won their respect by his justice and comparativemoderation, for he allowed no unnecessary cruelty. In the course ofsome years he collected a great mass of most useful information withregard to that El Dorado, that land of gold, which he was destinednever to reach himself, but the acquisition of which he did much tofacilitate for his successors.

It was in this way that he learnt the existence six suns away (sixdays' journey), of another sea, the Pacific Ocean, which washed theshores of Peru, a country where gold was found in large quantities.Balboa's character, which was as grand as those of Cortès andPizarro, but who had not, as they, the time or opportunity to showthe extraordinary qualities which he possessed, felt convinced thatthis information was most valuable, and that if he could carry outsuch a discovery, it would shed great lustre on his name.

He assembled a body of 190 volunteers, all valiant soldiers, andlike himself, accustomed to all the chances of war, as well asacclimatised to the unhealthy effluvia of a marshy country, wherefever, dysentery, and complaints of the liver were constantlypresent.

Though the Isthmus of Darien is only sixty miles in width, it isdivided into two parts by a chain of high mountains; at the foot ofthese the alluvial soil is marvellously fertile, and the vegetationfar more luxuriant than any European can imagine. It consists of aninextricable mass of tropical plants, creepers, and ferns, amongtrees of gigantic size which completely hide the sun, a truly virginforest, interspersed here and there with patches of stagnant water,where live multitudes of birds, insects, and animals, neverdisturbed by the foot of man. A warm, moist atmosphere exists herewhich exhausts the strength and speedily saps the energy of any man,even the most robust.

With all these obstacles which Nature seemed to have rejoiced inplacing in Balboa's path, there was yet another no less formidable,and this was the resistance which the savage inhabitants of thisinhospitable shore would offer to his progress. Balboa set outwithout caring for the risk he ran in the event of the guides andnative auxiliaries proving faithless; he was escorted by a thousandIndians as porters, and accompanied by a troop of those terriblebloodhounds which had acquired the taste for human flesh inHispaniola.

Of the tribes that he met with on his route, some fled into themountains carrying their provisions with them, and others, takingadvantage of the difficulties the land presented, tried to fight.Balboa marching in the midst of his men, never sparing himself,sharing in their privations and rousing their courage, which wouldhave failed more than once, was able to inspire them with so muchenthusiasm for the object that was before them, that aftertwenty-five days of marching and fighting, they could see from thetop of a mountain that vast Pacific Ocean, of which, four days later,Balboa, his drawn sword in one hand and the banner of Castille inthe other, took possession in the name of the King of Spain. Thepart of the Pacific Ocean which he had reached is situated to theeast of Panama, and still bears the name of the Gulf of San Miguel,given to it by Balboa. The information he obtained from theneighbouring caciques, whom he subjugated by force of arms, and fromwhom he obtained a considerable booty, agreed in every particularwith what he had heard before he set out.

A vast empire lay to the south, they said, "so rich in gold, thateven the commonest instruments were made of it," where the domesticanimals were llamas that had been tamed and trained to carry heavyburdens, and whose appearance in the native drawings resembled thatof the camel. These interesting details, and the great quantity ofpearls offered to Balboa, confirmed him in his idea, that he musthave reached the Asiatic countries described by Marco Polo, and thathe could not be far from the empire of Cipango or Japan, of whichthe Venetian traveller had described the marvellous riches whichwere perpetually dazzling the eyes of these avaricious adventurers.

Balboa discovering the Pacific Ocean.

Balboa several times crossed the Isthmus of Darien, and always insome fresh direction. Humboldt might well say that this country wasbetter known in the beginning of the sixteenth century than in hisown day. Beyond this Balboa had launched some vessels built underhis orders on the newly-discovered ocean, and he was preparing aformidable armament, with which he hoped to conquer Peru, when hewas odiously and judicially murdered by the orders of PedrariasDavila, the governor of Darien, who was jealous of the reputationBalboa had already gained, and of the glory which would doubtlessrecompense his bravery if he carried out the expedition which he hadarranged. Thus the conquest of Peru was retarded by at leasttwenty-five years, owing to the culpable jealousy of a man whosename has acquired, by Balboa's assassination, almost as wretched acelebrity as that of Erostratus.

If we owe to Balboa the first authentic documents regarding Peru,another explorer was destined to furnish some not less importanttouching that vast Mexican Empire, which had extended its sway overalmost the whole of Central America. In 1518, Juan de Grijalva hadbeen placed in command of a flotilla, consisting of four vessels,armed by Diego Velasquez, the conqueror of Cuba, which were destinedto collect information upon Yucatan, sighted the year before byHernandez de Cordova. Grijalva, accompanied by the pilot Alaminos,who had made the voyage to Florida with Ponce de Leon, had twohundred men under his command; amongst the volunteers was BernalDiaz del Castillo, the clever author of a very interesting historyof the conquest of Mexico, from which we shall borrow freely.

After thirteen days' sailing, Grijalva reached the Island of Cozumelon the coast of Yucatan, doubled the Cape of Cotoche, and enteredthe Bay of Campeachy. He disembarked on the 10th of May at Potonchan,of which the inhabitants defended the town and citadel vigorously,in spite of their astonishment at the vessels, which they took forsome kind of marine monsters, and their fear of the pale-faced menwho hurled thunderbolts. Fifty-seven Spaniards were killed in theengagement, and many were wounded. This warm reception did notencourage Grijalva to make any long stay amongst this warlike people.He set sail again after anchoring for four days, took a westerlycourse along the coast of Mexico, and on the 19th of May entered ariver named by the natives the Tabasco, where he soon found himselfsurrounded by a fleet of fifty native boats filled with warriorsready for the conflict, but thanks to Grijalva's prudence and theamicable demonstrations which he made, peace was not disturbed.

"We made them understand," writes Bernal Diaz, "that we were thesubjects of a powerful emperor called Don Carlos, and that it wouldbe greatly to their advantage if they also would acknowledge him astheir master. They replied that they had a sovereign already, andwere at a loss to understand why we, who had only just arrived, andwho knew so little of them, should offer them another king." Thisreply was scarcely that of a savage!

In exchange for some worthless European trinkets, the Spaniardsobtained some Yucca bread, copal gum, pieces of gold worked into theshape of fishes or birds, and garments made of cotton, which hadbeen woven in the country. As the natives who had been taken onboard at Cape Cotoche did not perfectly understand the languagespoken by the inhabitants of Tabasco, the stay here was but of shortduration, and the ships again put to sea. They passed the mouth ofthe Rio Guatzacoalco, the snowy peaks of the San Martin mountainsbeing seen in the distance, and they anchored at the mouth of ariver which was called Rio de las Banderas, from the number ofwhite banners displayed by the natives to show their friendlyfeeling towards the new comers.

When Grijalva landed, he was received with the same honour as theIndians paid to their gods; they burnt copal incense before him, andlaid at his feet more than 1500 piastres' worth of small gold jewels,as well as green pearls and copper hatchets. After taking formalpossession of the country, the Spaniards landed on an island calledLos Sacrificios Island, from a sort of altar which they foundthere placed at the top of several steps, upon which lay the bodiesof five Indians sacrificed since the preceding evening; their bodieswere cut open, their hearts torn out, and both legs and arms cut off.Leaving this revolting spectacle, they went to another small island,which received the name of San Juan, being discovered on St. John'sDay; to this they added the word Culua, which they heard used bythe natives of these shores. But Culua was the ancient name forMexico, and this Island of San-Juan de Culua is now known as St.John d'Ulloa.

Grijalva put all the gold which he had collected on board one of theships and despatched it to Cuba, while he continued his explorationof the coast, discovered the Sierras of Tusta and Tuspa, andcollected a large amount of useful information regarding thispopulous country; on arriving at the Rio Panuco, he was attackedby a flotilla of native vessels, and had much difficulty indefending himself against their attacks.

This expedition was nearly over, for provisions were running short,and the vessels were in a very bad state, the volunteers were manyof them sick and wounded, and even had they been in good healththeir numbers were too small to make it safe to leave them amongthese warlike people, even under the shelter of fortifications.Besides, the leaders of the expedition no longer acted in concert,so after repairing the largest of the vessels in the Rio Tonala,where Bernal Diaz boasts of having sown the first orange-pips whichwere ever brought to Mexico, the Spaniards set out for Santiago inCuba, where they arrived on the 15th of November, after a cruise ofseven months, not forty-five days, as M. Ferdinand Denis asserts inthe Biographie Didot, and as M. Ed. Charton repeats in hisVoyageurs Anciens et Modernes.

The results obtained from this voyage were considerable. For thefirst time the long line of coast which forms the peninsula ofYucatan, the Bay of Campeachy, and the base of the Gulf of Mexico,had been explored continuously from cape to cape. Not only had itbeen proved beyond doubt that Yucatan was not an island as they hadbelieved, but much and reliable information had been collected withregard to the existence of the rich and powerful empire of Mexico.The explorers had been much struck with the marks of a more advancedcivilization than that existing in the Antilles, with thesuperiority of the architecture, the skilful cultivation of the land,the fine texture of the cotton garments, and the delicacy of finishof the golden ornaments worn by the Indians. All this combined toincrease the thirst for riches among the Spaniards of Cuba, and tourge them on like modern Argonauts to the conquest of this newgolden fleece. Grijalva was not destined to reap the fruits of hisperilous and at the same time intelligent voyage, which threw so newa light on Indian civilization. The sic vos, non vobis of the poetwas once again to find an exemplification in this circ*mstance.

Ferdinand Cortès—His character—His appointment—Preparations forthe expedition, and attempts of Velasquez to stop it—Landing atVera-Cruz—Mexico and the Emperor Montezuma—The republic ofTlascala—March upon Mexico—The Emperor is made prisoner—Narvaezdefeated—The Noche Triste—Battle of Otumba—The second siege andtaking of Mexico—Expedition to Honduras—Voyage to Spain—Expeditionson the Pacific Ocean—Second Voyage of Cortès to Spain—His death.

Velasquez had not waited for Grijalva's return before sending off toSpain the rich products of the countries discovered by the latter,and at the same time soliciting from the council of the Indies, aswell as from the Bishop of Burgos, an addition to his authority,that he might attempt the conquest of these countries. At the sametime he fitted out a new armament proportioned to the dangers andimportance of the undertaking that he proposed. But though it wascomparatively easy for Velasquez to collect the necessary materialand men, it was far more difficult for him—whom an old writerdescribes as nigg*rdly, credulous, and suspicious in disposition—tochoose a fit leader. He wished indeed, to find one who shouldcombine qualities nearly always incompatible, high courage and greattalent, without which there was no chance of success, with at thesame time sufficient docility and submissiveness, to do nothingwithout orders, and to leave to him who incurred no risk, any gloryand success which might attend the enterprise. Some who were braveand enterprising would not be treated as mere machines; others whowere more docile or more cunning lacked the qualities required toinsure the success of so vast an enterprise; among the former weresome of Grijalva's companions who wished that he should be madecommander, while the latter preferred Augustin Bermudez orBernardino Velasquez. While this was pending, the governor'ssecretary, Andrès de Duero, and Amador de Larez, the Controller ofCuba, both favourites of Velasquez, made an arrangement with aSpanish nobleman named Ferdinand Cortès, that if they could obtainthe appointment for him, they should be allowed a share in his gains.

Bernal Diaz says, "They praised Cortès so highly, and pointed himout in such flattering terms as the very man fitted to fill thevacant post, adding that he was brave and certainly very faithful toVelasquez (to whom he was son-in-law), that he allowed himself to bepersuaded, and Cortès was nominated captain-general. As Andrès deDuero was the governor's secretary, he hastened to formulate thepowers in a deed, making them very ample, as Cortès desired, andbrought it to him duly signed." Had Velasquez been gifted with thepower of looking into the future, Cortès was certainly not the manhe would have chosen.

Ferdinand Cortès. From an old print.

Cortès was born at Medellin in Estramadura in 1485, of an ancient,but slenderly-endowed family; after studying at Salamanca for sometime, he returned to his native town, but the quiet monotonous lifethere was little suited to his restless and capricious temper, andhe soon started for America, reckoning upon the protection of hisrelation Ovando, the Governor of Hispaniola.

His expectations were fully realized, and he held several honourableand lucrative posts, without counting that between times he joinedin several expeditions against the natives. If he became in thismanner initiated into the Indian system of tactics, so also,unfortunately, did he grow familiar with those acts of cruelty whichhave too often stained the Castilian name. He accompanied Diego deVelasquez in his Cuban expedition in 1511, and here he distinguishedhimself so highly, that notwithstanding certain disagreements withhis chief, a large grant of land as well as of Indians was made tohim as a recognition of his services.

Cortès amassed the sum of 3000 castellanos in the course of a fewyears by his industry and frugality, a large sum for one in hisposition, but his chief recommendations in the eyes of Andrès deDuero and Amador de Sarès his two patrons, were his activity, hiswell-known prudence, his decision of character, and the power ofgaining the confidence of all with whom he was brought into contact.In addition to all this, he was of imposing stature and appearance,very athletic, and possessed powers of endurance, remarkable evenamong the hardy adventurers who were accustomed to brave all kindsof hardships.

As soon as Cortès had received his commission, which he did withevery mark of respectful gratitude, he set up a banner at the doorof his house, made of black velvet embroidered in gold, bearing thedevice of a red cross in the midst of blue and white flames, andbelow, this motto in Latin, "Friends, let us follow the Cross, andif we have faith, we shall overcome by this sign." He concentratedthe whole force of his powerful mind upon the means to make theenterprise a success; even his most intimate friends were astonishedat his enthusiasm in preparing for it. He not only gave the whole ofthe money which he possessed towards arming the fleet, but hecharged part on his estate, and borrowed considerable sums from hisfriends to purchase vessels, provisions, munitions of war, andhorses. In a few days 300 volunteers had enrolled themselves,attracted by the fame of the general, the daring nature of theenterprise, and the profit that would probably accrue from it.Velasquez, always suspicious, and doubtless instigated by some whowere jealous of Cortès, tried to put a stop to the expedition at itsoutset. Cortès being warned by his two patrons that Velasquez wouldprobably try to take the command from him, acted with his customarydecision; he collected his men and, in spite of the vessels notbeing completed and of an insufficient armament, he weighed anchorand sailed during the night. When Velasquez discovered that hisplans had been check-mated he concealed his indignation, but at thesame time, he made every arrangement to stop the man who could thusthrow off all dependence upon him with such consummate coolness.Cortès anchored at Macaca, to complete his stores, and found many ofthose who had accompanied Grijalva now hasten to serve under hisbanner: Pedro de Alvarado and his brothers, Christoval de Olid,Alonzo de Avila, Hernandez de Puerto-Carrero, Gonzalo de Sandoval,and Bernal Diaz del Castillo, who was to write a valuable account ofthese events "quorum pars magna fuit." Trinity Harbour, on thesouth coast of Cuba was the next resting-place, and here a furthersupply of provisions was taken on board, but while Cortès lay atanchor for this purpose, Verdugo the governor, received letters fromVelasquez, desiring him to arrest the captain-general, the commandof the fleet having been just taken from him. This bold step wouldhave endangered the safety of the town, so Verdugo refrained fromexecuting the order. Cortès sailed away to Havana in order to enlistsome new adherents, while his lieutenant Alvarado went over land tothe port where the last preparations were made. Although Velasquezwas unsuccessful in his first attempt, he again sent an order toarrest Cortès, but Pedro Barba the governor, felt the impossibilityof executing the order in the midst of soldiers who, as Bernal Diazsays, "would willingly have given their lives to save Cortès."

At length, having recalled the volunteers by beat of drum, and takenon board all that appeared necessary, Cortès set sail on the 18thFebruary, 1519, with eleven ships (the largest being of 100 tons),110 sailors, 553 soldiers,—13 of whom were arquebusiers,—200Indians from the island, and some women for domestic work. The realstrength of the armament lay in the ten pieces of artillery, thefour falconets provided with an ample supply of ammunition, and thesixteen horses which had been obtained at great expense. It was withthese almost miserable means, which, however, had given Cortès muchtrouble to collect, that he prepared to wage war with a sovereignwhose dominions were of greater extent than those appertaining tothe King of Spain—an enterprise from which he would have turnedback if he had foreseen half its difficulties. But long ago a poetsaid, "Fortune smiles on those who dare."

After encountering a very severe storm, the fleet touched at theisland of Cozumel, where they found that the inhabitants hadembraced Christianity, either from fear of the Spaniards, or fromfinding the inability of their gods to help them. Just as the fleetwas about to leave the island, Cortès had the good fortune to meetwith a Spaniard named Jeronimo d'Aguilar, who had been kept aprisoner by the Indians for eight years. During that time he hadlearnt the Indian language perfectly; he was as prudent as he wasclever, and when he joined the expedition he was of the greatest useas an interpreter.

After doubling Cape Catoche, Cortès sailed down the Bay of Campeachy,passed Potonchan, and entered the Rio Tabasco, hoping to meet withas friendly a reception there as Grijalva had done, and also tocollect an equally large quantity of gold; but he found a greatchange had taken place in the feelings of the natives, and he wasobliged to employ force. In spite of the bravery and numericalsuperiority of the Indians, the Spaniards overcame them in severalengagements, thanks to the terror caused by the reports of theirfire-arms and the sight of the cavalry, whom the Indians took forsupernatural beings. The Indians lost a large number of men in theseengagements, while among the Spaniards two were killed, and fourteenmen and several horses wounded; the wounds of the latter weredressed with fat taken from the dead bodies of the Indians. At lastpeace was made, and the natives gave Cortès provisions, some cottonclothing, a small quantity of gold, and twenty female slaves, amongwhom was the celebrated Marina, who rendered such signal services tothe Spaniards as an interpreter, and who is mentioned by all thehistorians of the conquest of the New World.

Cortès receives provisions, clothing, a little gold, and twenty female slaves.

Cortès continued on a westerly course, seeking a suitable place forlanding, but he could find none until he reached St. John d'Ulloa.The fleet had scarcely cast anchor before a canoe made its wayfearlessly to the admiral's vessel, and here Marina (who was ofAztec origin) was of the greatest use, in telling Cortès that theIndians of this part of the country were the subjects of a greatempire, and that their province was one recently added to it byconquest. Their monarch, named Moctheuzoma, better known under thename of Montezuma, lived in Tenochtitlan, or Mexico, nearly 210miles away in the interior. Cortès offered the Indians some presents,assuring them of his pacific intentions, and then disembarked uponthe torrid and unhealthy shore of Vera-Cruz. Provisions flowed inimmediately, but the day after the landing, Teutile, governor of theprovince, and ambassador of Montezuma to the Spaniards, had muchdifficulty in answering Cortès when he asked him to conduct him tohis master without delay, knowing as he did all the anxiety andfears which had haunted the mind of the Emperor since the arrival ofthe Spaniards. However, he caused some cotton stuffs, feather cloaks,and some articles made of gold to be laid at the feet of the general,a sight which simply excited the cupidity of the Europeans. To givethese poor Indians an adequate idea of his power, Cortès called outhis soldiers, and put them through their drill, he also ordered thedischarge of some pieces of artillery, the noise of which froze thehearts of the savages with terror. During the whole time of theinterview, some painters had been employed in sketching upon piecesof white cotton, the ships, the troops, and everything which hadstruck their fancy. These drawings very cleverly executed, were tobe sent to Montezuma.

Before beginning the history of the heroic struggles which shortlycommenced, it will be useful to give some details as to that Mexicanempire which, powerful as it appeared, nevertheless contained withinitself numerous elements of decay and dissolution, which factexplains the cause of its conquest by a mere handful of adventurers.That part of America which was under the dominion of Montezuma wascalled Anahuac and lay between 14° and 20° northlatitude. This region presents great varieties of climate on accountof its difference of altitude; towards the centre, and rather nearerto the Pacific than to the Atlantic, there is a huge basin at anelevation of 7500 feet above the sea, and about 200 miles incircumference, in the hollow of which there were at that timeseveral lakes; this depression is called the valley of Mexico,taking its name from the capital of the empire. As may be easilysupposed, we possess very few authentic details about a people whosewritten annals were burnt by the ignorant "conquistadores" and byfanatical monks, who jealously suppressed everything which mightremind the conquered race of their ancient religious and politicaltraditions.

Arriving from the north in the seventh century the Toltecs hadoverspread the plateau of Anahuac. They were an intelligent race ofpeople, addicted to agriculture and the mechanical arts,understanding the working in metals, and to whom is due theconstruction of the greater part of the sumptuous and giganticedifices of which the ruins are found in every direction in NewSpain. After four centuries of power, the Toltecs disappeared fromthe country as mysteriously as they had come. A century later theywere replaced by a savage tribe from the north-west, who were soonfollowed by more civilized races, speaking apparently the Tolteclanguage. The most celebrated of these tribes were the Aztecs, andthe Alcolhuès or Tezcucans, who assimilated themselves easily withthe tincture of civilization which remained in the country with thelast of the Toltecs. The Aztecs, after a series of migrations andwars, settled themselves in 1326 in the valley of Mexico, where theybuilt their capital Tenochtitlan. A treaty of alliance bothoffensive and defensive was entered into between the states ofMexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, and was rigorously observed for awhole century; in consequence of this the Aztec civilization, whichhad been at first bounded by the extent of the valley, spread on allsides, and soon was limited only by the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans.In a short time these people had reached a higher degree ofcivilization than any other tribe in the New World. The rights ofproperty were recognized in Mexico, commerce flourished there, andthree kinds of coin in circulation provided the ordinary mechanismof exchange. There was a well-organized police, and a system ofrelays which worked with perfect regularity, and enabled thesovereign to transmit his orders with rapidity from one end of theempire to the other. The number and beauty of the towns, the greatsize of the palaces, temples, and fortresses indicated an advancedcivilization, which presented a singular contrast to the ferociousmanners of the Aztecs. Their polytheistic religion was in thehighest degree barbarous and sanguinary; the priests formed a verynumerous body, and exercised great influence even over politicalaffairs. Side by side with rites similar to those of Christians,such as baptism and confession, the religion presented a tissue ofthe most absurd and bloody superstitions. The offering up of humansacrifices, adopted at the beginning of the 14th century, and usedat first very sparingly, had soon become so frequent, that thenumber of victims immolated each year, and drawn chiefly from theconquered nations, amounted to 20,000, while under certaincirc*mstances the number was much larger. Thus in 1486, at theinauguration of the temple of Huitzilopchit, 70,000 captivesperished in a single day.

The Government of Mexico was monarchical; at first the imperialpower had been carefully limited, but it had increased with thevarious conquests, and had become despotic. The sovereign was alwayschosen out of the same family, and his accession was marked by theoffering up of numerous human sacrifices. The Emperor Montezumabelonged to the sacerdotal caste, and in consequence his powerreceived some unwonted development. The result of his numerous warshad been the extension of his frontiers, and the subjugation ofvarious nations; these latter welcomed the Spaniards with eagerness,thinking that their dominion must surely be less oppressive and lesscruel than that of the Aztecs.

It is certain that if Montezuma, with the large force which he hadat his disposal, had fallen upon the Spaniards when they wereoccupying the hot and unhealthy shore of Vera-Cruz, they would havebeen unable, in spite of the superiority of their arms anddiscipline, to resist such a shock; they must all have perished, orbeen obliged to re-embark, and the fate of the New World would havebeen completely changed. But the decision which formed the mostsalient point in the character of Cortès, was completely wanting inthat of Montezuma, a prince who never could at any time adopt aresolute policy.

Fresh ambassadors from the emperor had arrived at the Spanish camp,bringing to Cortès an order to quit the country, and upon hisrefusal all intercourse between the natives and the invaders hadimmediately ceased. The situation was becoming critical, and thisCortès felt. After having overcome some hesitation which had beenshown by the troops, he laid the foundations of Vera-Cruz, afortress designed to serve as a basis of operations, and a shelterin case of a possible re-embarkation. He next organized a kind ofcivil government, a junta, as it would be called in the presentday, to which he resigned the commission which had been revoked byVelasquez, and then he made the junta give him one with newprovisions and more extended powers. After this he received theenvoys from the town of Zempoalla, who were come to solicit hisalliance, and his protection against Montezuma, whose dominion theybore with impatience. Cortès was indeed fortunate in meeting withsuch allies so soon after landing, and not wishing to allow sogolden an opportunity to slip, he welcomed the Totonacs kindly, wentwith them to their capital, and after having caused a fortress to beconstructed at Quiabislan on the sea-shore, he persuaded his newfriends to refuse the payment of tribute to Montezuma. He tookadvantage of his stay at Zempoalla to exhort these people to embraceChristianity, and he threw down their idols, as he had already doneat Cozumel, to prove to them the powerlessness of their gods.

Meanwhile a plot had been forming in his own camp, and Cortès,feeling convinced that as long as there remained any way ofreturning to Cuba, there would be constant lukewarmness anddiscontent among his soldiers, caused all his ships to be runaground, under the pretext of their being in too shattered acondition to be of any further use. This was an unheard-of act ofaudacity, and one which forced his companions either to conquer orto die. Having no longer anything to fear from the want ofdiscipline of his troops, Cortès set out for Zempoalla on the 16thof August, with five hundred soldiers, fifteen horses, and six fieldcannon, and also two hundred Indian porters, who were intended toperform all menial offices. The little army soon reached thefrontiers of the small republic of Tlascala, of which the fierceinhabitants, impatient of servitude, had long been engaged in strifewith Montezuma. Cortès flattered himself that his oft-proclaimedintention of delivering the Indians from the Mexican yoke wouldinduce the Tlascalans to become his allies and at once to makecommon cause with him. He therefore asked for leave to cross theirterritory on his way to Mexico; but his ambassadors were detained,and as he advanced into the interior of the country, he was harassedfor fourteen consecutive days and nights by continual attacks fromseveral bodies of Tlascalans, amounting in all to 30,000 men, whodisplayed a bravery and determination such as the Spaniards hadnever yet seen equalled in the New World. But the arms possessed bythese brave men were very primitive. What could they effect withonly arrows and lances tipped with obsidian or fish-bones, stakeshardened in the fire, wooden swords, and above all with an inferiorsystem of tactics? When they found that each encounter cost them thelives of many of their bravest warriors, while not a single Spaniardhad been killed, they imagined that these strangers must be of asuperior order of beings, while they could not tell what opinion toform of men who sent back to them the spies taken in their camp,with their hands cut off, and who yet after each victory not onlydid not devour their prisoners, as the Aztecs would have done, butreleased them, loading them with presents and proposing peace.

Upon this the Tlascalans declared themselves vassals of the Spanishcrown, and swore to assist Cortès in all his expeditions, while heon his side promised to protect them against their enemies. It wastime that peace should be made, for many of the Spaniards werewounded or ill, and all were worn out with fatigue, but the entry intriumph into Tlascala, where they were welcomed as supernaturalbeings, quickly made them forget their sufferings.

After twenty days of repose in this town, Cortès resumed his marchtowards Mexico, having with him an auxiliary army of six thousandTlascalans. He went first to Cholula, a town regarded as sacred bythe Indians, and as the sanctuary and favoured residence of theirdeities. Montezuma felt much satisfaction in the advance of theSpaniards to this town, either from the hope that the gods wouldthemselves avenge the desecration of their temples, or that hethought a rising, and massacre of the Spaniards might be more easilyorganized in this populous and fanatical town. Cortès had beenwarned by the Tlascalans that he must place no trust in theprotestations of friendship and devotion made by the Cholulans.However, he took up his quarters in the town, considering that hewould lose his prestige if he showed any signs of fear, but uponbeing informed by the Tlascalans that the women and children werebeing sent away, and by Marina that a considerable body of troopswas massed at the gates of the city, that pitfalls and trenches weredug in the streets, whilst the roofs of the houses were loaded withstones and missiles, Cortès anticipated the designs of his enemies,gave orders to make prisoners of all the principal men of the town,and then organized a general massacre of the population, thus takenby surprise and deprived of their leaders. For two whole days theunhappy Cholulans were subject to all the horrors which could beinvented by the rage of the Spaniards, and the vengeance of theirallies the Tlascalans. A terrible example was made, six thousandpeople being put to the sword, temples burned to the ground, and thetown half destroyed, a work of destruction well calculated to striketerror into the hearts of Montezuma and his subjects.

Lake of Mexico.

Sixty miles now separated Cortès from the capital, and everywhere ashe passed along he was received as a liberator. There was not acacique who had not some cause of complaint against the imperialdespotism, and Cortès felt confirmed in the hope that so divided anempire would prove an easy prey. As the Spaniards descended from themountains of Chalco, they beheld with astonishment the valley ofMexico, with its enormous lake, deeply sunk and surrounded by largetowns, the capital city built upon piles, and the well-cultivatedfields of this fertile region.

Cortès did not trouble himself about the continued tergiversationsof Montezuma, who could not make up his mind to the last momentwhether he would receive the Spaniards as friends or enemies. TheSpanish general advanced along the causeway which leads to Mexicoacross the lake, and was already within a mile of the town, whensome Indians, who, from their magnificent costume were evidently ofhigh rank, came to greet him and to announce to him the approach ofthe emperor. Montezuma soon appeared, borne upon the shoulders ofhis favourites in a kind of litter adorned with gold and feathers,while a magnificent canopy protected him from the rays of the sun.As he advanced the Indians prostrated themselves before him, withtheir heads downwards, as though unworthy even to look at theirmonarch. This first interview was cordial, and Montezuma himselfconducted his guests to the abode which he had prepared for them. Itwas a vast palace, surrounded by a stone wall, and defended by hightowers. Cortès immediately took measures of defence, and ordered thecannon to be pointed upon the roads leading to the palace. At thesecond interview, magnificent presents were offered both to thegeneral and soldiers. Montezuma related that according to an oldtradition, the ancestors of the Aztecs had arrived in the countryunder the leadership of a man of white complexion, and bearded likethe Spaniards. After laying the foundations of their power, he hadembarked upon the ocean, promising them that one day his descendantswould come to visit them and to reform their laws—and if, asMontezuma said, he now received the Spaniards rather as fathers thanas foreigners, it was because he felt convinced that in them hebeheld the descendants of his people's ancient chief, and he beggedthem to regard themselves as the masters of his country.

The following days were employed in visiting the town, whichappeared to the Spaniards as larger, more populous, and morebeautiful than any city which they had hitherto seen in America. Itsdistinguishing peculiarity consisted in the causeways which formed ameans of communication with the land, and which were cut through invarious places to allow a free passage to vessels sailing on thewaters of the lake. Across these openings were thrown bridges whichcould be easily destroyed. On the eastern side of the town there wasno causeway and no means of communication with the land except bycanoes. This arrangement of the town of Mexico caused some anxietyto Cortès, who saw that he might be at any moment blockaded in thetown, without being able to find means of egress. He determined,therefore, to prevent any seditious attempt by securing the personof the emperor, and using him as a hostage. The following news whichhe had just received furnished him with an excellent pretext:Qualpopoca, a Mexican general, had attacked the provinces which hadsubmitted to the Spaniards, and Escalante and seven of his soldiershad been mortally wounded; besides this, a prisoner had beenbeheaded and the head carried from town to town, thus proving thatthe invaders could be conquered, and were nothing more than ordinarymortals.

Cortès profited by these events to accuse the emperor of perfidy. Hedeclared that although Montezuma appeared friendly to him and to hissoldiers, it was only that he might wait for some favourableopportunity to treat them in the same manner as Escalante, aproceeding quite unworthy of a monarch, and very different from theconfidence which Cortès had shown in coming, as he had done, tovisit him. He went on to say that if the suspicions of the Spaniardswere not justified, the emperor could easily exonerate himself byhaving Qualpopoca punished, and finally, to prevent the recurrenceof aggressions which could but destroy the existing harmony, and toprove to the Mexicans that he harboured no ill-design against theSpaniards, Montezuma could not do otherwise than come to resideamongst them. It may be easily imagined that the emperor was notvery ready to decide upon this course, but was at last obliged togive in to the violence and threats of the Spaniards. Uponannouncing his resolution to his subjects, he was made to assurethem several times over that he put himself into the hands of theSpaniards of his own free will; these words were needed to calm theMexicans, who threatened to make an attack upon the foreigners.

The success of Cortès in this bold scheme was quite beyond hisexpectations. Qualpopoca, with his son and five of the chiefringleaders in the revolt, were seized by the Mexicans, and broughtbefore a Spanish tribunal, which was at the same time judge andprosecutor; the Indians were condemned and burnt alive. Not contentwith having punished men who had committed no crime but that ofexecuting the orders of their emperor, and of opposing an armedresistance to the invasion of their country, Cortès imposed a newhumiliation upon Montezuma, in placing fetters upon his feet, underthe pretext that the culprits in their last moments had madeaccusations against him. For six months the "Conquistador" exercisedthe supreme government in the name of the emperor, now reduced to apuppet-show of authority. Cortès changed the governors whodispleased him, collected the taxes, presided over all the detailsof the administration, and sent Spaniards into the various provincesof the empire with orders to examine their productions, and to takeparticular notice of the mining districts and the processes in usefor collecting gold.

Cortès also turned to account the curiosity evinced by Montezuma tosee European ships, to have rigging and other appurtenances broughtfrom Vera-Cruz, and to order the construction of two brigantinesdestined to ensure his communications with terra-firma by the watersof the lake.

Emboldened by receiving so many proofs of submission and humility,Cortès took another step in advance, and required that Montezumashould declare himself the vassal and tributary of Spain. The act offidelity and homage was accompanied, as may be easily imagined, withpresents both rich and numerous, as well as by a heavy tax which waslevied without much difficulty. The opportunity was now taken togather together everything in gold and silver, which had beenextorted from the Indians, and to melt them down, except certainpieces which were kept as they were, on account of the beauty of theworkmanship. The whole did not amount to more than 600,000 pesos, or100,000l. Thus, although the Spaniards had made use of all theirpower, and Montezuma had exhausted his treasures to satisfy them,the whole product amounted to an absurdly small sum, very little inaccordance with the idea which the conquerors had formed of theriches of the country. After reserving one-fifth of the treasure forthe king, and one-fifth for Cortès and subtracting enough toreimburse the sums which had been advanced for the expenses of theexpedition, the share of each soldier did not amount to 100 pesos,and they considered that it would have been more worth their whileto have remained in Hispaniola, than to have experienced suchfatigues, encountered such great dangers, and suffered so manyprivations, all for the reward of 100 pesos! If the promises ofCortès ended in this beggarly result, and if the partition had beenmade with fairness, of which they did not feel certain, they arguedthat it was absurd to remain longer in so poor a country, whileunder a chief less prodigal in promises, but more generous, theymight go to countries rich in gold and precious stones, where bravewarriors would find an adequate compensation for their toils. Somurmured these greedy adventurers; some accepting what fell to theirshare while fuming over its small amount, others disdainfullyrefusing it.

Cortès had succeeded in persuading Montezuma to conform to his willin everything which concerned politics, but it was otherwise inregard to religion. He could not persuade him to change his creed,and when Cortès wished to throw down the idols, as he had done atZempoalla, a tumult arose which would have become very serious, hadhe not immediately abandoned his project. From that time theMexicans, who had offered scarcely any resistance to the subjugationand imprisonment of their monarch, resolved to avenge their outrageddeities, and they prepared a simultaneous rising against theinvaders. It was at this juncture, when the affairs in the interiorseemed to be taking a less favourable turn, that Cortès receivednews from Vera-Cruz, that several ships were cruising off theharbour. At first he thought this must be a fleet sent to his aid byCharles V., in answer to a letter which he had sent to him on the16th of July, 1519, by Puerto Carrero and Montejo. But he was soonundeceived, and learnt that this expedition was organized by DiegoVelasquez, who knew by experience how lightly his lieutenant couldshake off all dependence upon him; he had sent this armament withthe object of deposing Cortès from his command, of making him aprisoner, and of carrying him off to Cuba, where he would bespeedily placed upon his trial. The fleet thus sent was under thecommand of Pamphilo de Narvaez; it consisted of eighteen vessels,and carried eighty horse-soldiers, and 100 infantry (of whom eightywere musketeers), 120 cross-bowmen, and twelve cannons.

Narvaez disembarked without opposition, near to the fort of San Juand'Ulloa, but upon summoning the Governor of Vera-Cruz, Sandoval, togive up the town to him, Sandoval seized the men who were chargedwith the insolent message, and sent them off to Mexico, where Cortèsat once released them, and then gained from them circ*mstantialinformation as to the forces, and the projects of Narvaez. Thepersonal danger of Cortès at this moment was great; the troops sentby Velasquez were more numerous and better furnished with arms andammunition than were his own, but his deepest cause of anxiety wasnot the possibility of his own condemnation and death, it was thefear lest all fruit of his efforts might be lost, and the knowledgeof the hurtfulness of these dissensions to his country's cause. Thesituation was a critical one, but after mature reflection and thecareful weighing of arguments for and against the course hemeditated, Cortès determined to fight, even at a disadvantage,rather than to sacrifice his conquests and the interests of Spain.Before proceeding to this last extremity, he sent his chaplainOlmedo to Narvaez, but he was very ill-received, and saw all hisproposals for an accommodation disdainfully rejected. Olmedo metwith more success amongst the soldiers, who most of them knew him,and to whom he distributed a number of chains, gold rings, and otherjewels, which were well calculated to give them a high idea of theriches of the conqueror. But when Narvaez heard of what was going on,he determined not to leave his troops any longer exposed totemptation; he set a price upon the heads of Cortès and hisprincipal officers, and advanced to the encounter.

Cortès, however, was too skilful to be enticed into giving battleunder unfavourable circ*mstances. He temporized and succeeded intiring out Narvaez and his troops, who retired to Zempoalla. ThenCortès, having taken his measures with consummate prudence, and thesurprise and terror of a nocturnal attack which he organizedcompensating for the inferiority of his troops, he made prisoners ofhis enemy and all his soldiers, his own loss amounting to but twomen. The conqueror treated the vanquished well, and gave them thechoice between returning to Cuba, or remaining to share his fortune.This latter proposal, backed up as it was by gifts and promises,appeared so seductive to the new arrivals, that Cortès found himselfat the head of 1000 soldiers, the day after he had been in danger offalling into the hands of Narvaez. This rapid change of fortune wasturned to the greatest advantage by the skilful diplomacy of Cortès,who hastened to return to Mexico. The troops whom he had left thereunder the command of Alvarado, to guard the emperor and the treasure,were reduced to the last extremity by the natives, who had killed orwounded a great number of soldiers, and who kept the rest in a stateof close blockade, while threatening them constantly with a generalassault. It must be confessed that the imprudent and criminalconduct of the Spaniards, and notably the massacre of the mostdistinguished citizens of the empire during a fête, had broughtabout the rising which they dreaded, and which they had hoped toprevent. After having been joined by 2000 Tlascalans, Cortès pressedforward by forced marches towards the capital, where he arrived insafety, and found that the Indians had not destroyed the bridgesbelonging to the causeways and dikes which joined Mexico to the land.In spite of the arrival of this reinforcement, the situation did notimprove. Each day it was necessary to engage in new combats, and tomake sorties to clear the avenues leading to the palace occupied bythe Spaniards.

Cortès now saw but too plainly the mistake which he had made inshutting himself up in a town where his position might be stormed atany moment, and from which it was so difficult to extricate himself.In this difficulty he had recourse to Montezuma, who, by virtue ofhis authority and of the prestige which still clung to him, couldappease the tumult, give the Spaniards some respite, and enable themto prepare for their retreat. But when the unfortunate emperor, nowbecome a mere toy in the hands of the Spaniards, appeared upon thewalls decked out with regal ornaments, and implored his subjects tocease from hostilities, murmurs of discontent arose, and threatswere freely uttered. Hostilities began afresh, and before thesoldiers had time to protect him with their shields, Montezuma waspierced with arrows, and hit upon the head by a stone which knockedhim down. At this sight the Indians, horrified at the crime whichthey had just committed, at once ceased fighting, and fled in alldirections, while the emperor, understanding but too late all thebaseness of the part which Cortès had forced him to play, tore offthe bandages which had been applied to his wounds, and refusing allnourishment, he died cursing the Spaniards.

Death of Montezuma.

After so fatal an event, there was no more room to hope for peacewith the Mexicans, and it became necessary to retire in haste, andat whatever cost, from a town in which the Spaniards were threatenedwith blockade and starvation. For this retreat Cortès was preparingin secret. He saw his troops each day more and more closely hemmedin, whilst several times he was forced himself to take his sword inhis hand and to fight like a common soldier. Solis even relates, butupon what authority is not known, that during an assault which wasmade upon one of the edifices commanding the Spanish quarter, twoyoung Mexicans, recognizing Cortès, who was cheering on his soldiers,resolved to sacrifice themselves in the hope of killing the man whohad been the author of their country's calamities. They approachedhim in a suppliant attitude, as though they would ask for quarter,then seizing him round the waist they dragged him towards thebattlements, over which they threw themselves, hoping to drag himover with them. But thanks to his exceptional strength and agilityCortès managed to escape from their embrace, and these two braveMexicans perished in their generous but vain attempt to save theircountry.

The retreat being determined upon, it was necessary to decide uponwhether it should be carried out by night or by day. If in thedaytime the enemy would be more easily resisted, any ambuscadeswhich might be prepared would be more easily avoided, while theycould better take precautions to repair any bridges broken by theMexicans. On the other hand, it was known that the Indians willseldom attack an enemy after sunset, but what really decided Cortèsin favour of a nocturnal retreat was, that a soldier who dabbled inastrology had declared to his comrades that success was certain ifthey acted in the night.

They therefore began their march at midnight. Besides the Spanishtroops, Cortès had under his orders detachments from Tlascala,Zempoalla, and Cholula, which, notwithstanding the serious losseswhich had been sustained, still numbered 7000 men. Sandovalcommanded the vanguard, and Cortès the centre, where were the cannon,baggage, and prisoners, amongst whom were a son and two daughters ofMontezuma; Alvarado and Velasquez de Léon led the rearguard. Withthe army was carried a flying bridge, which had been constructed tothrow over any gaps there might be in the causeway. Scarcely had theSpaniards debouched upon the dike leading to Tacuba, which was theshortest of all, when they were attacked in front, flank, and rearby solid masses of the enemy, whilst from a fleet of numberlesscanoes, a perfect hailstorm of stones and missiles fell upon them.Blinded and amazed, the allies knew not against whom to defendthemselves first. The wooden bridge sank under the weight of theartillery and fighting men. Crowded together upon a narrow causewaywhere they could not use their fire-arms, deprived of their cavalrywho had not room to act, mingled with the Indians in a hand-to-handcombat, not having strength to kill, and surrounded on all sides,the Spaniards and their allies gave way under the ever renewednumbers of the assailants. Officers and soldiers, infantry andcavalry, Spaniards and Tlascalans were confounded together, eachdefended himself to the best of his ability, without caring aboutdiscipline or the common safety.

All seemed lost, when Cortès with one hundred men succeeded incrossing the breach in the dike upon the mass of corpses whichfilled it up. He drew up his soldiers in order as they arrived, andputting himself at the head of those least severely wounded, plungedwedge-fashion into the mêlée, and succeeded in disengaging from it aportion of his men. Before day dawned all those who had succeeded inescaping from the massacre of the noche triste, as this terriblenight was called, found themselves reunited at Tacuba. It was witheyes full of tears that Cortès passed in review his remainingsoldiers, all covered with wounds, and took account of the losseswhich he had sustained; 4000 Indians, Tlascalans, and Cholulans, andnearly all the horses were killed, all the artillery and ammunition,as well as the greatest part of the baggage, were lost, and amongstthe dead were several officers of distinction—Velasquez de Léon,Salcedo, Morla, Larès, and many others; one of those mostdangerously hurt was Alvarado, but not one man, whether officer orsoldier, was without a wound.

The fugitives did not delay at Tacuba, and by accident they took theroad to Tlascala, where they did not know what reception might awaitthem. Ever harassed by the Mexicans, the Spaniards were againobliged to give battle upon the plains of Otumba to a number ofwarriors, whom some historians reckon at two hundred thousand.Thanks to the presence of some cavalry soldiers who still remainedto him, Cortès was able to overthrow all who were in front of him,and to reach a troop of persons whose high rank was easily discernedby their gilded plumes and luxurious costumes, amongst whom was thegeneral bearing the standard. Accompanied by some horsem*n, Cortèsthrew himself upon this group and was fortunate enough, or skilfulenough, to overturn by a lance-thrust the Mexican general, who wasthen despatched by the sword by a soldier named Juan de Salamanca.From the moment when the standard disappeared the battle was gained,and the Mexicans, panic-stricken, fled hastily from the field ofbattle. "Never had the Spaniards incurred greater danger," saysPrescott, "and had it not been for the lucky star of Cortès, not onewould have survived to transmit to posterity the history of thesanguinary battle of Otumba." The booty was considerable, andsufficed in part, to indemnify the Spaniards for the loss they hadsustained in leaving Mexico, for this army which they had justdefeated was composed of the principal warriors of the nation, who,having been quite confident of success, had adorned themselves withtheir richest ornaments.

Cortès at the Battle of Otumba.

The day after the battle the Spaniards entered the territory ofTlascala. Bernal Diaz says, "I shall now call the attention ofcurious readers to the fact that when we returned to Mexico to therelief of Alvarado, we were in all 1300 men, including in thatnumber ninety-seven horsem*n, eighty cross-bowmen, and the samenumber armed with carbines; besides, we had more than 2000Tlascalans, and much artillery. Our second entry into Mexico tookplace on St. John's Day, 1520; our flight from the city was on the10th day of the month of July following, and we fought the memorablebattle of Otumba on the 14th day of this same month of July. And nowI would draw attention to the number of men who were killed atMexico during the passage of the causeways and bridges, in thebattle of Otumba, and in the other encounters upon the route. Ideclare that in the space of five days 860 of our men were massacred,including ten of our soldiers and five Castilian women, who werekilled in the village of Rustepèque; we lost besides 1200 Tlascalansduring the same time. It is to be noticed also that if the number ofdead in the troop of Narvaez were greater than in the troop ofCortès, it was because the former soldiers set out on the marchladen with a quantity of gold, the weight of which hindered themfrom swimming, and from getting out of the trenches."

The troops with Cortès were reduced to four hundred and forty men,with twenty horses, twelve cross-bowmen, and seven carabineers; theyhad not a single charge of gunpowder, they were all wounded, lame,or maimed in the arms. It was the same number of men that hadfollowed Cortès when he first entered Mexico, but how great adifference was there between that conquering troop, and thevanquished soldiers who now quitted the capital.

As they entered the Tlascalan territory Cortès recommended his men,and especially those of Narvaez, not to do anything which could vexthe natives, the common safety depending upon not irritating theonly allies which remained to them. Happily the fears which hadarisen as to the fidelity of the Tlascalans proved groundless. Theygave the Spaniards a most sympathizing welcome, and their thoughtsseemed to be wholly bent upon avenging the death of their brothersmassacred by the Mexicans. While in their capital Cortès heard ofthe loss of two more detachments, but these reverses, grave as theywere, did not discourage him; he had under his orders troops inuredto war and faithful allies, Vera-Cruz was intact, he might once morereckon upon his good fortune. But before undertaking a new campaignor entering upon another siege, help must be sought and preparationsmade, and with these objects in view the general set to work. Hesent four ships to Hispaniola to enrol volunteers and purchasepowder and ammunition, and meanwhile he caused trees to be cut downin the mountains of Tlascala, and with the wood thus obtained twelvebrigantines were constructed, which were to be carried in pieces tothe Lake of Mexico, to be launched there at the moment when needed.

After suppressing some attempts at mutiny amongst the soldiers, inwhich those who had come with Narvaez were the most to blame, Cortèsagain marched forwards, and, with the help of the Tlascalans, firstattacked the people of Tepeaca and of other neighbouring provinces,a measure which had the advantage of exercising anew his own troopsin war, and of training his allies. While this was going on, twobrigantines bringing ammunition and reinforcements fell into thehands of Cortès; these ships had been sent to Narvaez by Velasquez,in ignorance of his misadventures; at this time also some Spaniardssent by Francis de Garay, governor of Jamaica, joined the army. Inconsequence of these reinforcements the troops with Cortès, after hehad rid himself of several partisans of Narvaez with whom he wasdissatisfied, amounted to five hundred infantry, of whom eightycarried muskets, and forty horse-soldiers. With this small army, andwith one thousand Tlascalans, Cortès set out once more for Mexico onthe 28th of December, 1520, six months after he had been forced toabandon the city. This campaign had for its theatre countriesalready described, and must therefore be passed over somewhatrapidly here, notwithstanding the interest attaching to it; to enterfully into the history of the conquest of Mexico would not be inaccordance with the primary object of this work.

After the death of Montezuma his brother Quetlavaca was raised tothe throne, and he adopted all the measures of precaution compatiblewith Aztec strategic science. But he died of the smallpox, the sadgift of the Spaniards to the New World, at the very moment when hisbrilliant qualities of foresight and bravery were the most needed byhis country. His successor was Guatimozin, the nephew of Montezuma,a man distinguished by his talents and courage.

Cortès had no sooner entered the Mexican territory than fightingbegan. He speedily captured the town of Tezcuco, which was situatedat twenty miles' distance, upon the edge of the great central lake,that lake upon whose waters the Spaniards were to see an imposingflotilla floating three months later. At this time a freshconspiracy, which had for its object the assassination of Cortès andhis principal officers, was discovered, and the chief culpritexecuted. At this moment fate seemed in every way to smile uponCortès; he had just received the news of the arrival of freshreinforcements at Vera-Cruz, and the greater part of the towns underthe dominion of Guatimozin had submitted to the force of his arms.The actual siege of Mexico began in the month of May, 1521, andcontinued with alternate success and reverse until the day when thebrigantines were launched upon the water of the lake. The Mexicansdid not hesitate to attack them; from four to five thousand canoes,each bearing two men, covered the lake and advanced to the assaultof the Spanish vessels, which carried in all nearly three hundredmen. These nine brigantines were provided with cannon, and soondispersed or sunk the enemy's fleet, who thenceforth left them inundisputed possession of the water. But this success and certainother advantages gained by Cortès had no very marked consequences,and the siege dragged slowly on, until the general made up his mindto capture the town by force. Unfortunately the officer who wascharged with protecting the line of retreat by the causeways whilethe Spaniards were making their way into the town, abandoned hispost, thinking it unworthy of his valour, and went to join in thecombat. Guatimozin was informed of the fault which had beencommitted, and at once took advantage of it. His troops attacked theSpaniards on all sides with such fury that numbers of them werekilled in a short time, while sixty-two of the soldiers fell aliveinto the hands of the Mexicans, a fate which Cortès, who wasseverely wounded in the thigh, narrowly escaped sharing. During thenight following, the great temple of the war-god was illuminated insign of triumph, and the Spaniards listened in profound sadness tothe beating of the great drum. From the position they occupied theycould witness the end of the prisoners, their unfortunate countrymen,whose breasts were opened and their hearts torn out, and whose deadbodies were hurled down the steps; they were then torn in pieces bythe Aztecs, who quarrelled over the pieces with the object of usingthem for a horrible festival.

This terrible defeat caused the siege to go on slowly, until the daycame when three parts of the city having been taken or destroyed,Guatimozin was obliged by his councillors to quit Mexico and to setout for the mainland, where he reckoned upon organizing hisresistance, but the boat which carried him being seized he was madeprisoner. In his captivity he was destined to display much greaterdignity and strength of character than his uncle Montezuma had done.From this time all resistance ceased, and Cortès might takepossession of the half-destroyed capital. After a heroic resistance,in which 120,000 Mexicans according to some accounts, but 240,000according to others, had perished, after a siege which had lastednot less than seventy days, Mexico, and with the city all the restof the empire, succumbed, less indeed to the blows dealt against itby the Spaniards than to the long-standing hatred and the revolts ofthe subjugated people, and to the jealousy of the neighbouringstates, fated soon to regret the yoke which they had so deliberatelyshaken off.

Contempt and rage soon succeeded amongst the Spaniards to theintoxication of success; the immense riches upon which they hadreckoned either had no existence, or they had been thrown into thelake. Cortès found it impossible to calm the malcontents, and wasobliged to allow the emperor and his principal minister to be put tothe torture. Some historians, and notably Gomara, report that whilstthe Spaniards were stirring the fire which burnt below the gridironupon which the two victims were extended, the minister turned hishead towards his master and apparently begged him to speak, in orderto put an end to their tortures; but that Guatimozin reproved thissingle moment of weakness by these words, "And I, am I assisting atsome pleasure, or am I in the bath?" an answer which has beenpoetically changed into, "And I, do I lie upon roses?"

The Spaniards stir the fire burning below the gridiron.

The historians of the conquest of Mexico have usually stopped shortat the taking of Mexico, but it remains for us to speak of someother expeditions undertaken by Cortès with different aims, butwhich resulted in casting quite a new light upon some portions ofCentral America; besides we could not leave this hero, who played solarge a part in the history of the New World and in the developmentof its civilization, without giving some details of the end of hislife.

With the fall of the capital was involved, properly speaking, thatof the Mexican empire; if there were still some resistance, asnotably there was in the province of Oaxaca, it was of an isolatedcharacter, and a few detachments of troops sufficed to reduce tosubmission the last remaining opponents of the Spaniards, terrifiedas the Mexicans were by the punishments which had been dealt out tothe people of Panuco, who had revolted. At the same time ambassadorswere sent by the people of the distant countries of the empire, toconvince themselves of the reality of that wonderful event, thetaking of Mexico, to behold the ruins of the abhorred town, and totender their submission to the conquerors.

Cortès was at length confirmed in the position he held afterincidents which would take too long to relate, and which caused himto say, "It has been harder for me to fight against my countrymenthan against the Aztecs." It now remained to him to organize theconquered country, and he began by establishing the seat ofgovernment at Mexico, which he rebuilt. He attracted Spaniards tothe city by granting them concessions of lands, and the Indians, byallowing them at first to remain under the authority of their nativechiefs, although he speedily reduced them all, except the Tlascalans,to the condition of slaves, by the vicious system ofrepartimientos, in vogue in the Spanish colonies. But if it isjustifiable to reproach Cortès with having held cheaply thepolitical rights of the Indians, it must be conceded that hemanifested the most laudable solicitude for their spiritualwell-being. To further this object he brought over some Franciscans,who by their zeal and charity in a short time gained the venerationof the natives, and in a space of twenty years brought about theconversion of the whole population.

At the same time Cortès sent some troops into the state of Mechoacan,who penetrated as far as the Pacific Ocean, and as they returnedvisited some of the rich provinces situated in the north. Cortèsfounded settlements in all the parts of the country which appearedto him advantageous: at Zacatula upon the shores of the Pacific, atColiman in Mechoacan, at Santesteban near Tampico, at Medellin nearVera-Cruz, &c.

Immediately after the pacification of the country, Cortès entrustedChristoval de Olid with the command of a considerable force, inorder to establish a colony in Honduras, and at the same time Olidwas to explore the southern coast of that province, and to seek fora strait which should form a communication between the Atlantic andPacific Oceans. But, carried away by the pride of command, Olid hadno sooner reached his destination than he declared himselfindependent, whereupon Cortès immediately despatched one of hisrelations to arrest the culprit, and set out himself, accompanied byGuatimozin, at the head of one hundred horsem*n and fiftyfoot-soldiers, on the 12th of October, 1524. After crossing theprovinces of Goatzacoalco, Tabasco, and Yucatan, and enduring allkinds of privations in the course of a most trying march over marshyand shifting ground, and across a perfect ocean of undulatingforests, the detachment was approaching the province of Aculan, whenCortès was told of the existence of a plot, formed, as was said, byGuatimozin and the principal Indian chiefs. Its aim was to seize thefirst opportunity to massacre both officers and soldiers, afterwhich the march to Honduras was to be continued, the settlementswere to be destroyed, and then there was to be a return to Mexico,where during a general rising there would doubtless be smalldifficulty experienced in getting rid of the invaders. Guatimozin invain protested his innocence, in which there is every reason tobelieve; he was hung, as well as several of the Aztec nobles, uponthe branches of a Ceyba tree, which shaded the road. Bernal Diazdel Castillo says, "The execution of Guatimozin was very unjust, andwe were all agreed in condemning it." But Prescott says, "If Cortèshad consulted but his own interest and his renown, he should havespared him, for he was the living trophy of his victory, as a mankeeps gold in the lining of his coat."

At length the Spaniards reached Aculan, a flourishing town, wherethey refreshed themselves after their journey in excellent quarters;when they set out again, it was in the direction of the Lake ofPeten, a part of the country where the population was easilyconverted to Christianity. We shall not dwell upon the sufferingsand misery which tried the expedition in these sparsely-peopledcountries, until it arrived at San Gil de Buena-Vista, upon theGolfo Dolce, where Cortès, after receiving the news of the executionof Olid and the re-establishment of the central authority, embarkedupon his return to Mexico. At this time he entrusted to Alvarado thecommand of three hundred infantry, one hundred and sixty cavalry,and four cannon, with a body of Indian auxiliaries, with which heset out for the south of Mexico, to conquer Guatemala. He reduced tosubmission the provinces of Zacatulan, Tehuantepec, Soconusco,Utlatlan, and laid the foundations of the town of Guatemala laVieja; when, some time afterwards he made a voyage to Spain, he wasnamed by Charles V. governor of the countries which he had conquered.

Three years had not expired after the conquest, before a territory1200 miles in length upon the sea-board of the Atlantic, and 1500miles upon that of the Pacific, had submitted to the Castilian crown,and with but few exceptions, was in a state of perfect tranquillity.

The return of Cortès to Mexico from the useless expedition toHonduras—which had wasted so much time and caused almost as greatsufferings to the Spaniards as the conquest of Mexico—had takenplace but a few days, when he received the news that he wastemporarily replaced by another commander, and was invited to repairto Spain to exculpate himself from certain charges. He was not inany haste to comply with this order, hoping that it might be revoked,but his indefatigable calumniators and his implacable enemies, bothin Spain and Mexico, preferred accusations against him after such amanner, that he found himself obliged to go and make his defence, tostate his wrongs, and boldly to claim the approval of his conduct.Cortès therefore started accompanied by his friend Sandoval, as wellas by Tapia und several Aztec chiefs, amongst whom was a son ofMontezuma. He disembarked at Palos, in May, 1528, at the same placewhere Columbus had landed thirty-five years before, and he waswelcomed with the same enthusiasm and rejoicings as the discovererof America had been; here Cortès met with Pizarro, then at theoutset of his career, who was come to solicit the support of theSpanish government. Cortès afterwards set out for Toledo, where thecourt then was. The mere announcement of his return had produced acomplete change in public opinion. His unexpected arrival at oncecontradicted the idea that he harboured any projects of revolt andindependence. Charles V. saw that public feeling would be outragedat the thought of punishing a man who had added its greatest gem tothe crown of Castille, and so the journey of Cortès became onecontinual triumph in the midst of crowds of people greater than hadbeen ever known before. "The houses and streets of the large townsand of the villages," says Prescott, "were filled with spectatorsimpatient to contemplate the hero whose single arm might be said, insome sort, to have conquered an empire for Spain, and who, to borrowthe language of an old historian, marched in all the pomp and glory,not of a great vassal, but of an independent monarch."

Charles V., after having granted several audiences to Cortès, andbestowed upon him those particular marks of favour which are termedimportant by courtiers, deigned to accept from him the empire whichhe had conquered for him, and the magnificent presents which hebrought. But he considered that he had fully recompensed him when hehad given Cortès the title of Marquis della Valle de Oajaca, and thepost of captain-general of New Spain, without, however, restoring tohim the civil government, a power which had been formerly delegatedto him by the junta of Vera-Cruz. Cortès, after his marriage withthe niece of the Duke de Béjar, who belonged to one of the firstfamilies in Spain, accompanied the emperor, who was on his way toItaly, to the port of embarkation; but the general, soon becomingtired of the frivolities of a court, so little in accordance withthe active habits of his past life, set out again for Mexico in 1530,and landed at Villa-Rica. After his arrival he underwent someannoyance caused by the Audienza, which had exercised the power inhis absence, and which had instituted law-suits against him, and healso found himself in conflict with the new civil junta on thesubject of military affairs. The Marquis della Valle withdrewhimself to Cuernavaca, where he had immense estates, and busiedhimself with agriculture. He was the means of introducing thesugar-cane and the mulberry into Mexico, he also encouraged thecultivation of hemp and flax, and the breeding, on a large scale, ofmerino sheep.

But this peaceable life without adventures could not long satisfythe enterprising spirit of Cortès. In 1532 and 1533, he equipped twosquadrons destined to make voyages of discovery in the north-west ofthe Pacific. The latter expedition reached the southern extremity ofthe peninsula of California without attaining the object sought,namely the discovery of a strait uniting the Pacific with theAtlantic. Cortès himself met with no better success in 1536 in theVermilion Sea (Gulf of California). Three years later a concludingexpedition, of which Cortès gave the command to Ulloa, penetrated tothe farthest extremity of the gulf, and then, sailing along theexterior side of the peninsula, reached the 29° of northlatitude. From thence the chief of the expedition sent back one ofhis ships to Cortès, while the rest proceeded northwards, but fromthat time nothing more is heard of them. Such was the unhappy resultof the expeditions of Cortès, which, while they did not bring him ina single ducat, cost him not less than 300,000 gold castellanos. Butthey at least had the result of making known the coast of thePacific Ocean, from the Bay of Panama as far as Colorado. The tourof the Californian Peninsula was made, and it was thus discoveredthat what had been imagined to be an island, was in reality a partof the continent. The whole of the Vermilion Sea, or Sea of Cortès,as the Spaniards justly named it, was carefully explored, and it wasascertained that, instead of having an outlet as was supposed to thenorth, it was in reality only a gulf deeply hollowed into thecontinent.

Cortès had not been able to fit out these expeditions without cominginto antagonism with the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza, whom theemperor had sent to Mexico, an appointment which had wounded thefeelings of the Marquis della Valle. Wearied with these continual,annoyances, and indignant at finding his prerogative ascaptain-general, if not absolutely ignored, at least perpetuallyquestioned, Cortès left Mexico, and once more set out for Spain. Butthis journey was not destined at all to resemble the first. Grownold, disgusted with life, and betrayed by fortune, the"conquistador" had no longer anything to expect from government. Hehad not to wait long before receiving proof of this; one day hepressed through the crowd which surrounded the emperor's coach, andmounted upon the step of the door. Charles V. pretended not torecognize him, and asked who this man was. Cortès answered proudly,"It is the man who has given you more States than your father leftyou Towns." By this time public interest was diverted from Mexico,which had not yielded as much as had been expected from it, and wascentred upon the marvellous riches of Peru. Cortès was, however,received with honour by the supreme council of the Indies, andpermitted to state his complaints before it, but the debates uponthe subject were endlessly drawn out, and he could obtain no redress.In 1541, during the disastrous expedition of Charles V. againstAlgiers, Cortès, who was serving in it as a volunteer, but whosecounsels had not been listened to, had the misfortune to lose threegreat carved emeralds, jewels which would have sufficed for theransom of an empire. Upon his return he renewed his solicitations,but with the same want of success. His grief over this injustice andthese repeated disappointments was so deep, that his health sufferedseverely; he died far from the scene of his exploits, on the 10th ofNovember, 1547, at Castilleja de la Cuesta, at the very moment whenhe was making preparations to return to America.

"He was a true knight errant," says Prescott; "of all that glorioustroop of adventurers which the Spain of the sixteenth century sentforth to a career of discovery and conquest, there was not one moredeeply imbued with the spirit of romantic enterprise than FernandoCortès. Strife was his delight, and he loved to attempt anenterprise by its most difficult side."...

This passion for the romantic might have reduced the conqueror ofMexico to the part of a common adventurer, but Cortès was certainlya profound politician and a great captain, if one is justified ingiving this name to a man who accomplished great actions by his ownunassisted genius. There is no other example in history of so greatan enterprise having been carried to a successful end with suchinadequate means. It may be said with truth that Cortès conqueredMexico with his own resources alone. His influence over the minds ofhis soldiers was the natural result of their confidence in hisability, but it must be attributed also to his popular manners,which rendered him eminently fit to lead a band of adventurers. Whenhe had attained to a higher rank, if Cortès displayed more of pomp,his veterans at least continued on the same terms of intimacy withhim as before. In finishing this portrait of the "conquistador," weshall quote the upright and veracious Bernal Diaz, with whosesentiments we fully agree. "He preferred his name of Cortès to allthe titles by which he might be addressed, and he had good reasonsfor it, for the name of Cortès is as famous in our days as that ofCesar amongst the Romans, or Hannibal amongst the Carthaginians."The old chronicler ends by a touch which vividly depicts thereligious spirit of the sixteenth century: "Perhaps he was destinedto receive his reward only in a better world, and I fully believe itto be so; for he was an honest knight, very sincere in his devotionsto the Virgin, to the Apostle St. Peter, and to all the saints."

The triple alliance—Francisco Pizarro and his brothers—Don Diegod'Almagro—First attempts—Peru, its extent, people, and kings—Captureof Atahualpa, his ransom and death—Pedro d'Alvarado—Almagroin Chili—Strife among the conquerors—Trial and executionof Almagro—Expeditions of Gonzalo Pizarro and Orellana—Assassinationof Francisco Pizarro—Rebellion and execution of his brother Gonzalo.

The information which had been gained by Balboa as to the riches ofthe countries situated to the south of Panama had scarcely becomeknown to the Spaniards before several expeditions were organized toattempt the conquest of them. But all had failed, either from themeans used being insufficient, or from the commanders not beingequal to the greatness of the undertaking. It must be confessed alsothat the localities explored by these first adventurers—thesepioneers, as they would be called now-a-days—did not at all come upto what Spanish greed had expected from them, and for this reason,that all the attempts had been hitherto made upon what was thencalled "Terra Firma," a country pre-eminently unhealthy, mountainous,marshy, and covered with forests; the inhabitants were few, but ofso warlike a disposition that they had added another obstacle to allthose which nature had strewn with so prodigal a hand in the path ofthe invaders. Little by little, therefore, the enthusiasm had cooled,and the wonderful narratives of Balboa were mentioned only to beturned into ridicule.

Francisco Pizarro. From an old print.

There lived, however, in Panama a man well able to weigh the truthof the reports which had been circulated concerning the richness ofthe countries bathed by the Pacific; this man was Francisco Pizarro,who had accompanied Muñez de Balboa to the southern sea, and who nowassociated with himself two other adventurers, Diego de Almagro andFerdinand de Luque. A few words must be said about the chiefs of theenterprise. Francisco Pizarro, born near Truxillo between the years1471 and 1478, was the natural son of a certain Captain GonzaloPizarro, who had taught the boy nothing but to take care of pigs; hewas soon tired of this occupation, and took advantage of his havingallowed one of the animals who were in his charge to stray, not toreturn to the paternal roof, where he was accustomed to be cruellybeaten for the smallest peccadillo. The young Pizarro enlisted, andafter passing some years amidst the Italian wars, he followedChristopher Columbus to Hispaniola in 1510. He served there withdistinction, and also in Cuba; afterwards he accompanied Hojeda toDarien, discovered, as has been already mentioned, the Pacific, withBalboa, and after the execution of the latter, he assisted PedrariasDavila, whose favourite he had become, in the conquest of allthe country known as Castille d'Or.

While Pizarro was an illegitimate child, Diego de Almagro was afoundling, picked up according to some in 1475 at Aldea del Rey, butaccording to others at Almagro, from which circ*mstance, as theymaintain, he derived his name. He was educated in the midst ofsoldiers, and while still young went to America, where he hadsucceeded in amassing a small fortune.

Ferdinand de Luque was a rich ecclesiastic of Tobago, who exercisedthe calling of a schoolmaster at Panama. The youngest of theseadventurers was by this time more than fifty years of age, andGarcilasso de la Vega relates that upon their project being known,they became the objects of general derision; Ferdinand de Luque wasthe most laughed at, and was called by no other name than Hernandoel Loco, Ferdinand the Fool. The terms of partnership were soonagreed upon between these three men, of whom two at least werewithout fear, if they were not all three without reproach. Luquefurnished money needed for the armament of the vessels and the payof the soldiers, and Almagro bore an equal part in the expense, butPizarro, who possessed nothing but his sword, was to pay hiscontribution in another manner. It was he who took the command ofthe first attempt, upon which we shall dwell in some detail, becauseit was then that the perseverance and inflexible obstinacy of the"conquistador" first came fully into sight.

One of the historians of the conquest of Peru, Augustin de Zarate,relates as follows:—"Having then asked and obtained the permissionof Pedro Arias d'Avila, Francisco Pizarro after much troubleequipped a vessel upon which he embarked with 140 men. At thedistance of 150 miles from Panama he discovered a small and poorprovince named Peru, which caused the same name to be henceforwardimproperly bestowed upon all the country which was discovered alongthat coast for the space of more than 3600 miles in length. Passingonwards he discovered another country, which the Spaniards calledthe burnt people. The Indians slew so many of his men that he wasconstrained to retire in great disorder to the country of Chinchama,which is not far distant from the place whence he had started.Almagro, however, who had remained at Panama, fitted out a shipthere, upon which he embarked with seventy Spaniards, and descendedthe coast as far as the River San Juan, 300 miles from Panama. Nothaving met with Pizarro, he went back northwards as far as theburnt people, where, having ascertained by certain indications thatPizarro had been there, he landed his men. But the Indians, puffedup by the victory which they had gained over Pizarro, resistedbravely, forced the entrenchments with which Almagro had covered hisposition, and obliged him to re-embark. He returned therefore,still following the coast-line until he arrived at Chinchama, wherehe found Francisco Pizarro. They were much rejoiced at meeting again,and having added to their followers some fresh soldiers whom theyhad levied, they found their troops amounted to 200 Spaniards, andonce more they descended the coast. They suffered so much fromscarcity of provisions and from the attacks of the Indians, that DonDiego returned to Panama to collect more recruits and to obtainprovisions. He took back with him eighty men, with whom and withthose who remained to them, they went as far as the country calledCatamez, a country moderately peopled and where they found abundanceof provisions. They noticed that the Indians of these parts whoattacked them and made war against them, had their faces studdedwith nails of gold inserted in holes which they had made expresslyfor receiving these ornaments. Diego de Almagro returned once againto Panama, whilst his companion waited for him and for thereinforcements which he was to bring with him, in a small islandcalled co*ck Island, where he suffered much from the scarcity of allthe necessaries of life."

The Indians kill many of the Spaniards.

Upon his arrival in Panama, Almagro could not obtain permission fromLos Rios, the successor of Avila, to make new levies, for he had noright, Los Rios said, to allow a greater number of people to go andperish uselessly in a rash enterprise; he even sent a boat to co*ckIsland to bring away Pizarro and his companions. But such a decisioncould not be pleasing to Almagro and De Luque. It meant expensethrown away; and it meant the annihilation of the hopes which thesight of the ornaments of gold and silver of the inhabitants ofCatamez had caused them to entertain. They sent therefore a trustyperson to Pizarro, to recommend him to persevere in his resolution,and to refuse to obey the orders of the Governor of Panama. ButPizarro in vain held out the most seductive promises; theremembrance of the fatigues which had been endured was too recent,and all his companions except twelve abandoned him.

With these intrepid men, whose names have been preserved, andamongst whom was Garcia de Xerès, one of the historians of theexpedition, Pizarro retired to an uninhabited island at a greaterdistance from the coast, to which he gave the name of Gorgona. Therethe Spaniards lived miserably on mangles, fish, and shell-fish, andawaited for five months the succour that Almagro and De Luque wereto send them. At length, vanquished by the unanimous protestationsof the whole colony,—who were indignant that people whose onlycrime was that they had not despaired of success, should be left toperish miserably and as though they were malefactors,—Los Rios sentto Pizarro a small vessel to bring him back. With the object ofpresenting no temptation to Pizarro to make use of this ship torenew his expedition, not a single soldier was placed on board ofher. At the sight of the help which had arrived, and oblivious ofall their privations, the thirteen adventurers thought of nothingbut persuading the sailors who came to seek them to participate intheir own hopes. Whereupon, instead of starting again on the routeto Panama, they sailed all together, towards the south-east, inspite of contrary winds and currents, until, after having discoveredthe Island of St. Clara, they arrived at the port of Tumbez,situated beyond the 3° of south latitude, where they saw amagnificent temple and a palace belonging to the Incas, thesovereigns of the country.

The country was populous and fairly well-cultivated, but what provedbeyond all else seductive to the Spaniards, and made them think thatthey had reached the marvellous countries of which so much had beensaid, was the sight of so great an abundance of gold and silver,that these metals were employed not only as finery and ornament bythe inhabitants, but also for making vases and common utensils.

Pizarro caused the interior of the country to be explored by Pietrode Candia and Alonzo de Molina, who brought back an enthusiasticdescription of it, and he caused some gold vases to be given up tohim, as well as some llamas, a quadruped domesticated by thePeruvians. He took two natives on board his vessel, to whom heproposed to teach the Spanish language, and to use them asinterpreters when he should return to the country. He anchoredsuccessively at Payta, Saugarata, and in the Bay of Santa-Cruz, ofwhich the sovereign, Capillana, received the strangers with suchfriendly demonstrations, that several of them were unwilling tore-embark. After having sailed down the coast as far as Porto Santo,Pizarro set out on his return to Panama, where he arrived afterthree whole years spent in dangerous explorations, which hadcompletely ruined De Luque and Almagro.

Pizarro received by Charles V.

Pizarro resolved to apply to Charles V. before undertaking theconquest of the country which he had discovered, for he could notobtain leave from Los Rios to engage fresh adventurers; so heborrowed the sum required for the voyage, and in 1528 he went toSpain to inform the emperor of the work which he had undertaken. Hepainted the picture of the countries that were to be conquered inthe most pleasing light, and as a reward for his labours the titlesof governor, captain-general, and alguazil-major of Peru werebestowed upon him and his heirs in perpetuity. At the same time hewas ennobled, and a pension of 1000 crowns was bestowed upon him.His jurisdiction, independent of the governor of Panama, was toextend over a tract of 600 miles along the coast to the south of theSantiago river; it was to be called New Castille, and he was to bethe governor; concessions that cost nothing to Spain, for Pizarrohad yet to conquer the country. On his side he undertook to raise abody of 250 men, and to provide himself with the necessary ships,arms, and ammunition. Pizarro then repaired to Truxillo, where hepersuaded his three brothers Ferdinand, Juan, and Gonzalo toaccompany him, as well as one of his half-brothers Martind'Alcantara. He took advantage of his stay in his native town, andat Caceres, to try to raise recruits, both there and throughoutEstramadura; they did not, however, come forward in large numbers,in spite of the title of Caballeros de la Espado dorada which hepromised to bestow upon all who would serve under him. Then hereturned to Panama, where affairs were not going so smoothly as hehad hoped. He had succeeded in getting De Luque named Bishopprotector de los Indios; but for Almagro, whose talents he knew,and whose ambition he feared, he had only asked that he should beennobled and a gratuity of 500 ducats bestowed upon him, with thegovernment of a fortress which was to be built at Tumbez. Almagrorefused to take part in this new expedition; he was not pleased withthe meagre portion given to him after spending all his money on theearlier expeditions; he wished now to organize one on his ownaccount. It required all Pizarro's address, aided by the promise togive up to Almagro the office of adelantado, to appease him andmake him consent to renew the old partnership.

Map of Peru.

The resources of the three partners were so limited at this time,that they could only get together three small ships and 124 soldiers,of whom thirty-six were horse-soldiers; the expedition set out inFebruary, 1531, under the command of Pizarro and his four brothers,whilst Almagro remained at Panama to organize an expedition ofsupplies. At the end of thirteen days' sailing, and after havingbeen carried by a storm 300 miles more to the south than he hadintended, Pizarro was forced to disembark both men and horses on theshores of the Bay of San Mateo, and to follow the line of the coaston land. This march was a difficult one in a very mountainouscountry, thinly-peopled, and intersected by rivers which had to becrossed at their mouths. At last a place called Coaqui was reached,where was found a great booty, which decided Pizarro to send backtwo of his ships. They carried to Panama and Nicaragua spoils to theamount of 30,000 castellanos, as well as a great number ofemeralds, a rich booty, which would, according to Pizarro, determinemany adventurers to come and join him.

Then the conqueror continued his march southwards as far asPorto-Viejo, where he was joined by Sebastian Benalcazar and JuanFernandez, who brought him twelve horsem*n and thirty foot-soldiers.The effect which had been produced in Mexico by the sight of thehorses and the reports of the fire-arms was repeated in Peru, andPizarro was able to reach the Island of Puna in the Gulf ofGuayaquil without encountering any resistance. But the islanderswere more numerous and more warlike than their brothers of themainland, and for six months they valiantly resisted all the attacksof the Spaniards. Although Pizarro had received some aid fromNicaragua, brought by Ferdinand de Soto, and although he hadbeheaded the cacique Tonalla and sixteen of the principal chiefs, hecould not overcome their resistance. He was, therefore, obliged toregain the continent, where the maladies peculiar to the countrytried his companions so cruelly, that he was forced to stay threemonths at Tumbez, exposed to the perpetual attacks of the natives.From Tumbez he went next to the Rio Puira, discovered the harbour ofPayta, the best on this coast, and founded the colony of San-Miguel,at the mouth of the Chilo, in order that vessels coming from Panamamight find a safe shelter. It was here that Pizarro received someenvoys from Huascar, who informed him of the revolt of Atahualpa,the brother of Huascar, and asked his aid.

At the period when the Spaniards landed to conquer Peru, it extendedalong the shore of the Pacific Ocean for 1500 miles, and stretchedinto the interior as far as the imposing chain of the Andes.Originally the population was divided into savage and barbaroustribes, having no idea of civilization, and living in a perpetualstate of warfare with one another. For many centuries affairs hadcontinued in the same state, and there appeared no presage of thecoming of a better era, when, on the shores of Lake Titicaca, thereappeared to the Indians a man and woman, who pretended that theywere the Children of the Sun. They called themselves Manco-Capac andMama-Oello, and were of majestic appearance; according to Garcilassode la Vega, towards the middle of the twelfth century they unitedtogether a number of wandering tribes, and laid the foundations ofthe town of Cuzco. Manco-Capac had taught the men agriculture andmechanical arts, whilst Mama-Oello instructed the women in spinningand weaving. When Manco-Capac had satisfied these first needs of allsocieties, he framed laws for his subjects, and constituted aregular political state. It was thus that the dominion of the Incasor Lords of Peru was established. At first their empire was limitedto the neighbourhood of Cuzco, but under their successors it rapidlyincreased, and extended from the Tropic of Capricorn to the PearlIslands, a length of thirty degrees. The power of the incas was asabsolute as that of the ancient Asiatic sovereigns. "Also," saysZarate, "there was perhaps no other country in the world where theobedience and submission of the subjects was carried further. Theincas were to them quasi-divinities; they had but to place a threaddrawn from the royal head-fillet in the hands of any one, and theman so distinguished, was certain to be everywhere respected andobeyed, and to find such absolute deference paid to the king's orderwhich he carried, that he could alone exterminate a whole provincewithout any assistance from soldiers, and cause to be put to deathall the inhabitants, both male and female, because at the mere sightof this thread, taken from the royal crown, the people voluntarilyand without any resistance, offered themselves up to die." However,the old chroniclers all agree in saying that this unlimited powerwas always used by the incas for the well-being of their subjects.Out of a series of twelve kings, who in succession sat on the throneof Peru, there was not one who did not leave behind him the memoryof a just prince adored by his subjects. Should we not search invain through the annals of any other country in the world for factsanalogous to these? Must it not be regretted that the Spaniardsshould have brought war with all its attendant horrors, and themaladies and vices of a different climate, along with what they intheir pride called civilization, amongst a rich and happy people,whose descendants, impoverished and debased as they are, have noteven the recollection of their ancient prosperity to console them intheir irremediable decay?

"The Peruvians," says Michelet in his admirable Précis d'HistoireModerne, "handed down the principal facts to posterity by knots,which they made in ropes. They had obelisks and exact gnomons tomark the equinoxes and solstices. Their year consisted of 365 days.They had erected prodigies of architecture, and they carved statueswith amazing art. They formed the most polished and industriousnation of the New World."

The inca Huayna-Capac, father of Atahualpa, under whom this vastempire was destroyed, had done much to increase and embellish it.This inca, who conquered all the country of Quito, had made, by thehands of his soldiers and of the vanquished people, a great road1500 miles in length from Cuzco to Quito, across precipices whichhad been filled up and mountains which had been levelled. Relays ofmen, stationed at intervals of a mile and a half from each other,carried the emperor's orders throughout the empire. Such was theirpolice, and if we wish to judge of Peruvian magnificence, we needonly instance the fact that the king when he travelled was carriedon a throne of gold which weighed 25,000 ducats, and the goldenlitter upon which the throne rested was borne by the highestpersonages of the realm.

In 1526, when the Spaniards appeared on the coast for the first time,the twelfth inca had lately married—in defiance of the ancient lawof the kingdom—the daughter of the vanquished king of Quito, andhad had a son of this marriage named Atahualpa, to whom he left thiskingdom on his death, which happened about 1529. His eldest sonHuascar, whose mother was descended from the incas, had theremainder of his states. But this partition, so contrary to thecustoms established from time immemorial, caused such greatdiscontent at Cuzco, that Huascar, encouraged by his subjects,determined to march against his brother, who would not acknowledgehim for his lord and master. Atahualpa, in his turn, had too latelytasted power to be willing to abandon it. He managed by bribes toattach to himself the greater part of the warriors who hadaccompanied his father during the conquest of Quito, and when thetwo armies met, fortune favoured the usurper.

Is it not curious to remark how both in Peru and Mexico theSpaniards were aided by entirely exceptional circ*mstances? InMexico some of the people who had recently submitted to the Aztecrace, being mercilessly trampled upon by their conquerors, welcomethe Spaniards as deliverers; in Peru the strife between two brothers,furious against each other, hinders the Indians from turning alltheir forces against the invaders whom they might easily havecrushed.

Pizarro upon receiving the envoys sent by Huascar, to ask his aidagainst his brother Atahualpa, whom he represented as a rebel andusurper, saw at once all the advantages that might accrue to himfrom these circ*mstances. He saw that by espousing the cause of oneof the brothers, he could more easily crush them both, therefore headvanced at once into the interior of the country, at the head of avery inconsiderable force, consisting of sixty-two cavalry and onehundred and twenty foot-soldiers, of whom only twenty were armedwith arquebuses and muskets; he was obliged to leave part of histroops to guard San-Miguel, in which Pizarro reckoned upon finding arefuge in case of his being unsuccessful, and where in any case allsupplies which might arrive could be landed.

Pizarro first made for Caxamalca, a small town situated at abouttwenty days' march from the coast. To reach it he had to cross adesert of burning sand, without vegetation and without water, whichextended for sixty miles in length as far as the province of Motupé,and where the slightest attack of the enemy, joined to thesufferings endured by the little army, would have been sufficient tocrush the whole expedition at one blow. Next the troops plunged intothe mountains and became entangled in narrow defiles where a smallforce might have annihilated them. During this march Pizarroreceived an envoy from Atahualpa bringing him some painted shoes andgold bracelets, which he was requested to wear at his approachinginterview with the inca. Naturally Pizarro was lavish in hispromises of friendship and devotion, and assured the Indianambassador that he should be only following the orders given him bythe king his master in respecting the lives and property of theinhabitants. From the moment of his arrival at Caxamalca Pizarroprudently lodged his soldiers in a temple and a palace belonging tothe inca, where they were sheltered from any surprise. Then he sentone of his brothers with De Soto and twenty horse-soldiers to thecamp of Atahualpa, which was distant only three miles, to announceto him his arrival. The envoys of the governor were received withmagnificence, and were astonished at the multiplicity of theornaments and vases made of gold and silver which they sawthroughout the Indian camp. They returned, bringing a promise fromAtahualpa that he would come on the next day to visit Pizarro, tobid him welcome to his kingdom. At the same time the envoys gave anaccount of the wonderful riches they had seen, which confirmedPizarro in the project which he had formed of seizing theunfortunate Atahualpa and his treasures by treachery.

Several Spanish authors, and notably Zarate, disguise these facts,which no doubt appeared to them too odious, and altogether deny thetreachery towards Atahualpa. But at the present day there are extantmany documents which force the historian to believe, with Robertsonand Prescott, in the perfidy of Pizarro. It was very important forhim to have the inca in his own hands, and to employ him as a tool,just as Cortès had done with Montezuma. He therefore took advantageof the honesty and simplicity of Atahualpa, who placed entireconfidence in Pizarro's protestations of friendship and so wasthrown off his guard, to arrange an ambuscade into which Atahualpawas certain to fall. There was not a scruple in the disloyal soul ofthe conqueror; he was as cool as though he were about to offerbattle to enemies who had been forewarned of his approach; thisinfamous treason must be an eternal dishonour to his memory. Pizarrodivided his cavalry into three small squadrons, left all hisinfantry in one body, hid his arquebusiers on the road by which theinca must pass, and kept twenty of his most determined companionsnear himself. Atahualpa, wishing to give the Spaniards a great ideaof his power, advanced with the whole of his army. He himself wasborne upon a kind of bed, decorated with feathers, covered withplates of gold and silver, and ornamented with precious stones. Hewas accompanied by his principal nobles, carried like himself on theshoulders of their servants, and he was surrounded by dancers andjesters. Such a march was more that of a procession than of an army.

As soon as the inca had nearly reached the Spanish quarters(according to Robertson), Father Vincent Valverde, the chaplain ofthe expedition, who was afterwards made a bishop as a reward for hisconduct, advanced with the crucifix in one hand and his breviary inthe other. In an interminable discourse he set forth to the monarchthe doctrine of the creation, the fall of the first man, theIncarnation, Passion, and Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ, thechoice made by God of St. Peter to be His vicar upon earth, thepower transmitted through him to the Popes, and the gift made byPope Alexander to the King of Castille of all the regions of the NewWorld. When he had expounded all these doctrines, he called uponAtahualpa to embrace the Christian religion, to recognize thesupreme authority of the Pope, and to submit to the King of Castilleas his legitimate sovereign. If he submitted immediately, Valverdeundertook to promise that the king his master would take Peru underhis protection, and allow him to continue to reign there; but hedeclared war against him and threatened him with fearful vengeanceif he refused to obey, and persevered in his impiety.

To say the least of it, this was a singular scene and a very strangeharangue, alluding to facts which were utterly unknown to thePeruvians, and of the truth of which a more skilful orator thanValverde would not have succeeded in persuading them. If we add thatthe interpreter knew so little of the Spanish language that it wasalmost an impossibility for him to translate what he scarcelyunderstood himself, and that the Peruvian language lacked words toexpress ideas so foreign to its genius, we shall not be muchsurprised to learn that Atahualpa understood almost nothing of theSpanish monk's discourse. Some sentences, however, which attackedhis own power, filled him with surprise and indignation. But he wasnone the less moderate in his reply. He said that, as master of hisown kingdom by right of succession, he could not see how any one hadthe power to dispose of it without his consent; he added that he wasnot at all willing to renounce the religion of his fathers to adoptone of which he had only heard that day for the first time; withregard to the other points touched upon in the discourse heunderstood nothing, it was a thing entirely new to him, and he wouldmuch like to know where Valverde had learnt so many wonderful things."In this book," replied Valverde, handing him his breviary.Atahualpa received it with eagerness and turned over some of theleaves with much curiosity, then, putting it to his ear, heexclaimed, "What you show me there does not speak to me, and tellsme nothing." With this he flung the book upon the ground.

This served as a signal for the combat, or rather for the massacre.Cannon and muskets came into play, the cavalry sprang forward, andthe infantry fell sword in hand upon the stupefied Peruvians. In afew moments the confusion was at its height. The Indians fled on allsides, without attempting to defend themselves. As to Atahualpa,although his principal officers tried to make a rampart of their ownbodies, while they carried him off, Pizarro sprang upon him,dispersed or overthrew his guards, and seizing him by his long hair,threw him down from the litter in which he was carried. Only thedarkness could arrest the carnage. Four thousand Indians were killed,a greater number wounded, and 3000 were taken prisoners. Anincontestable proof that there was no real battle is, that of allthe Spaniards Pizarro alone was hit, and he received his wound fromone of his own soldiers who was too precipitately endeavouring toseize upon the inca.

Atahualpa is made prisoner. From an old print.

The booty collected in the camp and from the dead exceeded anythingthe Spaniards could have imagined, and their enthusiasm wasproportioned to the conquest of such riches.

At first Atahualpa bore his captivity with resignation, which mayhave been partly due to Pizarro's doing all he could to soothe him,at least by words. But the inca, soon understanding the unbridledcovetousness of his jailors, made a proposal to Pizarro to pay himransom, and to have a room of twenty-two feet in length by sixteenin width filled as high as the hand could reach with vases, utensils,and ornaments of gold. Pizarro eagerly agreed to this, and thecaptive inca despatched the necessary orders at once to all theprovinces; these were carried out promptly and unmurmuringly. Beyondthis, the Indian troops were disbanded, and Pizarro was able to sendSoto and five Spaniards to Cuzco, a town situated more than 600miles from Caxamalca, while he himself subjugated all the countrywithin a circuit of 300 miles.

In the meantime Almagro landed with 200 soldiers. There had been setaside for him and his men—with what regrets may easily be imagined—100,000pesos (a Spanish coin); a fifth was reserved for the king,and this left 1,528,500 pesos to be divided between Pizarro and hiscompanions. This product of pillage and massacre was solemnlydivided between those entitled to it on the Festival of St. James,the patron saint of Spain, after fervent prayer to God. A deplorablemixture this of religion and profanity, too common unfortunately, inthese times of mingled superstition and avarice.

Each horse-soldier received 8000 pesos as his share, and eachfoot-soldier 4000, which would be equivalent to about 1600l. and800l. sterling. This was enough to satisfy the most exactingsoldier, after a campaign which had been neither long nor difficult.Many of the adventurers wished to enjoy this unexpected good fortunein a peaceable manner in their own country, and eagerly asked fortheir dismissal. This Pizarro granted without hesitation, for hefelt sure that the news of their rapidly-acquired wealth would soonbring him new recruits. With his brother Ferdinand, who went toSpain to give the emperor an account of Pizarro's triumph and somesplendid presents, went sixty Spaniards, laden heavily indeed withmoney, but lightly with remorse.

As soon as Atahualpa's ransom was paid, he claimed his freedom; butPizarro, who had only saved his life that he might make all thetreasures of Peru his own, and shelter himself under the prestigeand authority which the inca still exercised over his subjects, wassoon wearied by his entreaties. He suspected him also of having forsome time secretly given orders to levy troops in the distantprovinces of the empire. Besides, Atahualpa having soon discoveredthat Pizarro was no better educated than one of the lowest of hissoldiers, felt in consequence a contempt for the governor which,unfortunately, he could not conceal. Such were the reasons, alltrivial as they were, which determined Pizarro to prepare for thetrial of the inca.

Nothing could have been more hateful than this trial, in whichAlmagro and Pizarro were at the same time both suitors and judges.The heads of the accusation were so ridiculous and absurd, that oneis in doubt whether to be most surprised by the effrontery or thewickedness of Pizarro, in subjecting the head of a powerful empire,over which he had no jurisdiction, to such an inquiry. Atahualpa,being found guilty, was condemned to be burnt alive; but as he hadat length asked to be baptized, that he might rid himself of theimportunities of Valverde, his enemies contented themselves withstrangling him. A worthy counterpart this, of Guatimozin'sexecution! These were amongst the most atrocious and odious deedscommitted by the Spaniards in America, where, however, they havesullied themselves with every imaginable crime.

Among this herd of adventurers there were still some men who hadretained sentiments of honour and self-respect. They protestedloudly against this perversion of justice, but their generouspleadings were stifled by the selfish declamations of Pizarro andhis worthy assistants.

The governor now raised one of Atahualpa's sons to the throne, underthe name of Paul Inca; but the civil war between the two brothers,and the events which had occurred since the arrival of the Spaniards,had done much to loosen the ties which bound the Peruvians to theirkings, and this young man, destined soon to die an ignominious death,had scarcely more authority than Manco-Capac, the son of Huascar,who was acknowledged by the inhabitants of Cuzco. Soon after this,some of the principal people in the country even tried to carve forthemselves kingdoms out of the empire of Peru. Such was Ruminagui,the commandant of Quito, who caused the brother and the children ofAtahualpa to be massacred, and declared himself independent. Discordreigned in the Peruvian camp, and the Spaniards resolved to takeadvantage of it. Pizarro advanced rapidly upon Cuzco, the smallnumber of his forces having been the only reason which had preventedhim from doing so sooner. Now that a crowd of adventurers, attractedby the treasures which had been brought back to Panama, vied witheach other in hastening to Peru, now that he could assemble 500men—after leaving an important garrison at San-Miguel underBenalcazar's command,—Pizarro had no further reason for delay. Onthe way some skirmishes took place with large bodies of troops, butthey ended as always, with severe loss to the natives, and a veryinsignificant one to the Spaniards. When they entered Cuzco, andtook possession of the town, the invaders showed surprise at thesmall quantity of gold and precious stones which they found there,although it far exceeded Atahualpa's ransom. Was this because theywere becoming accustomed to the riches of the country, or becausethere was a larger number to share in them?

Meanwhile, Benalcazar, being weary of inaction, took advantage ofthe arrival of a reinforcement from Nicaragua and Panama, to set outfor Quito, where according to the Peruvians, Atahualpa had left thegreater part of his treasure. He placed himself at the head ofeighty horse-soldiers and 120 infantry, defeated on severaloccasions Ruminagui, who disputed his passage, and thanks to hisprudence and cleverness, he entered Quito victorious; but he did notfind there what he sought, that is to say, the treasures ofAtahualpa.

At the same time, Peter d'Alvarado, who had so signallydistinguished himself under Cortès, and who had been made governorof Guatemala, as a reward for his services, pretended to believethat the province of Quito was not included in Pizarro's command,and organized an expedition consisting of 500 men, 200 of whom werecavalry. Landing at Porto-Viejo, he wished to reach Quito without aguide, by going up the Guayaquil River and crossing the Andes. Thisroad has always been one of the worst and most trying that it ispossible to choose. Before they had reached the plain of Quito,after horrible sufferings from hunger and thirst, without speakingof the burning cinders hurled from the crater of Chimborazo, avolcano near Quito, and the snow-storms which assailed them, thefifth part of the band of adventurers, and half the horses, hadperished; the remainder were completely discouraged and quite unfitfor fighting. It was therefore with the greatest surprise, and someuneasiness, that they found themselves face to face, not with a bodyof Indians as they had expected, but with a party of Spaniards,under the command of Almagro. The latter were preparing to charge,when some of the more moderate among the officers caused anarrangement to be entered into, by virtue of which Alvarado was towithdraw to his own province after receiving 100,000 pesos to defraythe expenses of the armament.

Ferdinand Pizarro had set sail for Spain, while these events werehappening in Peru, feeling sure that the immense quantity of gold,silver, and precious stones which he took with him, would secure hima warm welcome. He obtained for his brother Francisco theconfirmation of his appointment as governor, with more extendedpowers; he himself was made a knight of the order of St. Iago; asfor Almagro, he was confirmed in his title of adelantado, and hisjurisdiction was extended 600 miles, without, however, its limitsbeing very strictly defined, which left the door open for manycontests and all kinds of arbitrary interpretations.

Ferdinand Pizarro had not reached Peru again, when Almagro, havinglearnt that a special government had been assigned to him, pretendedthat Cuzco formed part of it, and made preparations for its conquest.But Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro had no intention of allowing themselvesto be robbed, and the parties were on the point of coming to blowswhen Francisco Pizarro, who is often called the Marquis or thegreat Marquis, arrived at the capital.

Almagro had never forgiven Francisco Pizarro the duplicity which hehad displayed in his negotiations with Charles V., nor the coolnesswith which he had claimed for himself, at the expense of his twofriends, the principal share of authority, and the most extendedgovernment. But as Almagro met with great opposition to his designs,and as he was not the stronger, he concealed his vexation, put agood face on the matter, and seemed delighted at a reconciliation."They renewed their partnership, therefore," says Zarate, "oncondition that Don Diego d'Almagro should go and discover thecountry on the south side, and if he found any that was really good,they should ask his Majesty to make him the governor of it; but thatif he found nothing to suit him, they should share Don Francisco'sgovernment between them." This arrangement was made very solemnly,and they took their oath upon the consecrated wafer, that for thefuture they would undertake nothing against one another. Some saythat Almagro swore that he would never encroach either upon Cuzco oron the surrounding country within 390 miles, even if his Majestyshould give him the government of it. They add that turning towardsthe holy sacrament, he pronounced these words, "Lord, if I violatethe oath that I now take, I pray that Thou wilt confound me, andpunish me both in my body and my soul!"

Pizarro and Almagro take an oath upon the Host.

After this solemn agreement, which was destined to be observed withas little fidelity as the first, Almagro made his preparations fordeparture. Thanks to his well-known liberality, as much as to hisreputation for courage, he gathered together 570 men, of about equalnumbers of cavalry and infantry, with which he set out by land forChili. The journey was an extremely trying one, and the adventurerssuffered severely from intense cold whilst crossing the Andes; theyhad also to deal with very warlike tribes, unsoftened by anycivilization, who assailed them with a furia of which nothing theyhad seen in Peru had given them any idea. Almagro could make nosettlement, for he had scarcely been two months in the country whenhe heard that the Indians in Peru had revolted, and massacred thegreater part of the Spaniards, whereupon he immediately retraced hissteps.

After the new partnership had been signed between the conquerors(1534), Pizarro had returned to the provinces bordering on the sea,in which he could establish a regular government, there being nolonger anything to dread from resistance. For a man who had neverstudied legislation, he had drawn up some very wise rules for theadministration of justice, for the collection of taxes, theapportionment of the Indians, and the working of the mines. Someparts of the "conquistador's" character were doubtless very open tocriticism, but it is only just to recognize that he was not wantingin enlarged ideas, and that he was conscientious in playing his partas the founder of a great empire. This it was which made himhesitate long before choosing the future capital of the Spanishpossessions. Cuzco had the recommendation of having been theresidence of the incas; but this town, situated more than 400 milesfrom the sea, was very distant from Quito, of which the importanceseemed to Pizarro to be extreme. Before long he was struck with thebeauty and fertility of a great valley, watered by a stream calledthe Rimac, and there in 1536, he established the seat of hisdominion. Soon, the City of Kings (de Los Reyes), or Lima, as it iscalled by a corruption of the name of the river which flows at itsfeet, assumed the aspect of a great city, owing to the magnificentpalace and the sumptuous residences for officers, which Pizarrocaused to be built there. While these cares kept Pizarro far fromhis capital, small bodies of troops, sent in different directions,penetrated into the most distant provinces of the empire, with theobject of extinguishing the last smouldering embers of resistance;so many of the soldiers were employed in this way, that thereremained in Cuzco itself but a very small body of troops. The inca,who had remained in the hands of the Spaniards, thought this anopportune moment for fomenting a general rising, in which heearnestly hoped that the foreign government might be overthrown.Although closely guarded, he contrived to take his measures with somuch skill that he did not arouse the suspicions of his oppressors.He obtained permission even to be present at a grand fête, which wasto be held at several miles' distance from Cuzco, and for which themost distinguished persons in the empire had met together. As soonas the inca appeared, the standard of revolt was raised. The countrywas soon in arms from the confines of the province of Quito as faras Chili, and a number of small detachments of Spaniards weresurprised and destroyed. Cuzco, defended by the three brothersPizarro with but 170 Spaniards, was exposed for eight consecutivemonths to the incessant attacks of the Peruvians, who had now becomeexpert in the use of the arms which they had taken from theirenemies. The conquerors made a most valiant resistance, butexperienced some severe losses, especially that of Juan Pizarro.Almagro left Chili in the greatest haste, crossed the stony andsandy desert of Atacama, where he suffered as severely from heat anddrought as he had done in the Andes from cold and snow, penetratedinto the Peruvian territory, defeated Manco-Capac in a great battle,and succeeded in approaching the town of Cuzco, after having drivenaway the Indians. He then tried to get the town given up to him, onthe pretext that it was not included in Pizarro's government, andviolating a truce, during which the followers of the marquis weretaking a short rest, he entered Cuzco, seized both Ferdinand andGonzalo Pizarro, and had himself acknowledged as governor.

While this was going on, a considerable body of Indians investedLima, intercepted all communications, and annihilated the varioussmall bodies of troops which Pizarro sent at intervals to the aid ofthe Spaniards at Cuzco. At this time he sent away all his vessels toPanama to compel his companions to make a desperate resistance; herecalled from Truxillo the forces under the command of Alonzod'Alvarado, and entrusted to the latter a column of 500 men, whichadvanced to within several miles of the capital without having theslightest suspicion that the town was now in the hands offellow-countrymen, who were fully determined to bar their passage.But Almagro desired much rather to attract these new adversaries tohimself than to destroy them; he arranged therefore, to surprisethem and make them prisoners. He had now a fine opportunity in hishands of ending the war, and making himself master of the twogovernments by a single blow. Several of his officers had observedthis to him, and especially Orgoños, who proposed that the twobrothers of the "conquistador" should be put to death, and thatAlmagro should advance by forced marches with his victorious troopsagainst Lima, where Pizarro, taken by surprise, would not be able toresist him. But as a Latin poet says, "Jupiter makes dotards ofthose whom he means to ruin." Almagro, who in so many otherinstances had thrown aside all scruples, did not wish to put himselfin the wrong by invading Pizarro's dominions as a rebel, and hequietly took the road back to Cuzco.

Looking at it only from the side of Almagro's own interests, heevidently committed in this a gross blunder, of which he was soon torepent; but if we consider, what we should never lose sight of, theinterest of the country, he had already committed a capital crime inthe acts of aggression of which he had been guilty, and in kindlingcivil war in face of an enemy quite ready to take advantage of it.His adversaries did not delay to remind him of it. Whereas promptdecision would have been necessary for Almagro to make him master ofthe situation, Pizarro had everything to expect from time andopportunity. While waiting for the promised reinforcements fromDarien, he commenced negotiations with his adversary, lasting forseveral months, during which time one of his brothers, as well asAlvarado, found means to escape with more than seventy men. AlthoughAlmagro had been so often duped, he consented again to receive thelicentiate Espinosa, who was ordered to represent to him, that ifthe emperor knew what was taking place between the two competitors,and learnt the condition to which their contests had reduced affairs,no doubt he would recall them both, and put some one else in theirplace. At last, after the death of Espinosa, it was decided by thefriar Francisco de Bovadilla, to whom Pizarro and Almagro hadreferred their differences, that Ferdinand Pizarro should beimmediately set free, that Cuzco should be given back to the marquis,and that they should send several officers on both sides to Spain,charged with representing the respective rights of the two partiesand submitting them to the emperor's decision.

Scarcely had the last of his brothers been set at liberty thanPizarro, rejecting all idea of peace and amicable arrangement,declared that arms alone should decide whether he or Almagro was tobe lord of Peru. In a short time he had assembled a body of 700 men,of which he entrusted the command to his two brothers. Finding itimpossible to cross the mountains which would have been the mostdirect road to Cuzco, they followed the line of the sea-coast as faras Nasca, and then penetrated into a branch of the Andes, by whichthey could reach the capital in a short time. Possibly Almagro oughtto have defended the mountain defiles, but he had only 500 men, andhe reckoned much on his splendid cavalry, whom he could not deployin a confined space; he therefore waited for the enemy in the plainof Cuzco. The two parties encountered each other on the 26th ofApril, 1538, with equal animosity; but the victory was decided bytwo companies of musketeers which the emperor had sent to Pizarrowhen he heard of the revolt of the Indians. One hundred and fortysoldiers perished in this engagement, which received the name oflas salinas. Orgoños and several officers of distinction werekilled in cold blood after the battle, and Almagro himself, aged andill, could not escape from Pizarro.

The Indians who, assembled in arms on the surrounding mountains, hadreckoned upon falling on the conqueror, had need instead to fly inall haste. "Nothing," says Robertson, "more entirely proves theascendancy gained by the Spaniards over the Americans, than seeingthat the latter, witnesses of the defeat and dispersion of one ofthe parties, had not the courage to attack the other, even weakenedand fatigued as they were by their victory, and dared not fall upontheir oppressors when fortune offered them so favourable anopportunity for attacking them with advantage."

At this period a victory not followed by pillage was incomplete, sothe town of Cuzco was sacked, and all the riches that Pizarro'scompanions found there did not suffice to content them. They hadsuch exalted ideas of their merits and of the services which theyhad rendered, that each would have desired an appointment asgovernor. Ferdinand Pizarro therefore dispersed them, and sent themto conquer fresh territories with some of the partisans of Almagrowho had rallied, and whom it was important to send to a distance.

As for Almagro himself, Ferdinand Pizarro, feeling convinced thathis name constituted a focus of permanent agitation, resolved to getrid of him. He caused him therefore to be put upon his trial, whichended, as it was easy to foresee, in a sentence of death. WhenAlmagro received this news, after giving way for a few moments to avery natural grief, pleading his great age and the different way inwhich he had behaved with regard to Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarrowhen they were his prisoners, he recovered his calmness and awaitedhis death with a soldier's courage. He was strangled in his prison,and afterwards publicly beheaded (1538).

After several successful expeditions, Ferdinand Pizarro set out forSpain, to give the Emperor an account of what had taken place. Hefound most minds there strangely prejudiced against him and hisbrothers. Their cruelty, their violence, and their disregard of themost sacred engagements had been laid bare without reserve, by somefriends of Almagro's. Ferdinand Pizarro needed the utmost clevernessto win the Emperor round. Charles V. had no means of judging fairlyon which side the justice of the case lay, for he had only heard ofit from the interested parties; he could only discern the deplorableconsequences to his own government of the civil war. He decided,therefore, to send a commissioner to the country, to whom he gavemost extensive powers, and who, after having inquired into all thathad taken place, should establish whatever form of government hethought most advisable. This delicate mission was confided toChristoval de Vaca, a judge of audience at Valladolid, who provednot unequal to his task. One fact is worthy of notice; he wasrecommended to show the greatest respect towards Francisco Pizarro,at the very time when his brother Ferdinand was arrested and throwninto a prison, where he was destined to remain forgotten for twentyyears.

While these events were taking place in Spain, the Marquis portionedout the conquered country, keeping for himself and his trustworthyfriends the most fertile and best situated districts, and giving toAlmagro's companions, the men of Chili as they were called, only themore sterile and distant territories. Next he confided to Pedro deValdivia, one of his aides-de-camp the execution of the projectwhich Almagro had only been able to sketch out, the conquest ofChili. Valdivia set out on the 28th of January, 1540, with 150Spaniards, amongst whom Pedro Gomez, Pedro de Miranda, and Alonzo deMonroy were destined especially to distinguish themselves; hecrossed first the desert of Atacama, which even at the present dayis considered a most troublesome enterprise, and reached Copiapo,standing in the midst of a beautiful valley. Received at first withgreat cordiality, he had to sustain, as soon as harvest was over,several combats with the Araucanians, a race of brave, indefatigablewarriors, very different from the Indians of Peru. In spite of this,he laid the foundations of the town of Santiago on the 12th ofFebruary, 1541. Valdivia spent eight years in Chili, presiding overthe conquest and organization of the country. Less greedy than theother "conquistadores" his contemporaries, he only sought for themineral riches of the country that he might ensure the developmentof the prosperity of his colony, in which he had taken care first ofall to encourage agriculture. "The best mine that I know of, is oneof corn and wine with nourishment for livestock. Who has this, hasmoney. As for mines, we do not depend upon them for subsistence. Andoften that which looks well outwardly is not really worth much."These wise words of Lescarbot, in his Histoire de la NouvelleFrance, might have been used by Valdivia, so exactly do theycorrespond with and express his sentiments. His valour, prudence,and humanity, more especially the latter quality, which shines forthstrangely in contrast with the cruelty of Pizarro, ensures for him adistinction all his own among the "conquistadores" of the sixteenthcentury.

The shores of Rio Napo.

At the time that Valdivia set out for Chili, Gonzalo Pizarro crossedthe Andes at the head of 340 Spaniards, half of whom were mounted,and 4000 Indians, of whom the greater part of the Indians perishedfrom cold; then he penetrated eastwards into the interior, seekingfor a country where spices and cinnamon were said to abound. Inthese vast Savannahs, intersected by marshes and virgin forests, theSpaniards encountered torrents of rain, which lasted quite twomonths; they found only a scattered population, who were notindustrious and also hostile; in consequence, the invaders oftensuffered from hunger in a country where there were then neitherhorses nor oxen, where the largest quadrupeds were tapirs and llamas,and even the latter were seldom met with on this slope of the Andes.In spite of these difficulties, which would have discouraged anyless energetic explorers than the descubridores of the sixteenthcentury, they persevered in their attempt and descended the Rio Napoor Coca, an affluent on the left of the Marañon, as far as itsconfluence. There, with great difficulty they built a brigantine,which was manned by fifty soldiers under the command of FranciscoOrellana. But either the strength of the current carried him away,or else being no longer under the eyes of his chief, he wished inhis turn to be the leader of an expedition of discovery; he did notwait for Gonzalo Pizarro at the appointed rendezvous, but continuedto descend the river until he reached the ocean. Such a voyage issimply marvellous, through nearly 6000 miles of an unknown region,without guide, without compass, without provisions, with a crew whomurmured more than once against the foolish attempt of their leader,and in the midst of populations almost invariably hostile. From themouth of the river, which he had just descended in his badly builtand dilapidated vessel, Orellana succeeded in reaching the Island ofCubagua, whence he set sail for Spain. If the proverb "He who comesfrom a distance tells many lies" were not of much earlier date, onemight have thought it had been coined for Orellana. He invented themost preposterous fables as to the wealth of the countries he hadtraversed; the inhabitants were so rich that the roofs of thetemples were formed of plates of gold; an assertion which gave riseto the legend of El Dorado. Orellana had heard of the existence ofa Republic of female warriors who had founded a vast empire, whichcaused the river Marañon to be called the River of the Amazons. If,however, we strip this narrative of all that is ridiculous andgrotesque, and calculated to please the imaginations of hiscontemporaries, it remains certain that Orellana's expedition is oneof the most remarkable of this epoch, so fertile in giganticenterprises; and it furnishes the first information upon the immensezone of country lying between the Andes and the Atlantic.

But we must return to Gonzalo Pizarro. His embarrassment andconsternation had been great, when on arriving at the confluence ofthe Napo and Marañon, he had not found Orellana, who was to havebeen awaiting him. Fearing that some accident might have befallenhis lieutenant, he had descended the course of the river for 150miles, until he met with an unfortunate officer, who had been leftbehind for having addressed some remonstrances to his chief upon hisperfidy. The bravest among Pizarro's men were discouraged at thenews of the cowardly way in which they had been abandoned, and atthe destitute condition in which they were left. Pizarro was obligedto yield to their entreaties and to return to Quito, from which theywere more than 1200 miles away. To give an idea of their sufferingson this return journey, it suffices to say that, after having eatenhorses, dogs, and reptiles, roots, and wild beasts, and after havingdevoured every article made of leather in their accoutrements, theunfortunate survivors who reached Quito, lacerated by brambles,emaciated and utterly impoverished, numbered only twenty-four. Fourthousand Indians and two hundred and ten Spaniards had perished inthis expedition, which had lasted less than two years.

While Gonzalo Pizarro was conducting the unfortunate expedition justrelated, the old partisans of Almagro, who had never frankly joinedPizarro, gathered round the son of their old leader, and formed aplot for murdering the Marquis. In vain was Francisco Pizarroseveral times warned of what was threatening him, he would pay noheed to the report. He said "Keep quiet, I shall be safe as long asthere is no one in Peru who does not know that I can in a momenttake the life of any one who should dare to form the project ofattempting mine."

On Sunday, the 26th of June, 1541, at the hour of siesta, Juan deHerrada and eighteen conspirators left the house of Almagro's sonwith drawn swords in their hands and armed from top to toe. They rantowards the house of Pizarro, crying out, "Death to the tyrant!death to the infamous wretch!" They entered the palace, killedFrancisco de Chaves, who had appeared in haste on hearing the noise,and gained the hall, where was Francisco Pizarro, with his brotherFrancisco-Martin, the doctor Juan Velasquez, and a dozen servants.These jumped out of the windows, with the exception of MartinPizarro, two other gentlemen, and two tall pages, who were killedwhile defending the door of the governor's apartment. He himself hadnot had time to put on his cuirass, but he seized his sword andbuckler and defended himself valiantly, killing four of hisadversaries and wounding several others. One of his assailants, in aspirit of self-devotion, attracted to himself the blows of Pizarro.Meanwhile the other conspirators made their way in and attacked himwith such fury that he could not parry all the blows, being soexhausted that he could scarcely wield his sword. "Thus," saysZarate, "they made an end, and succeeded in killing him by a thrustin the throat. Falling to the ground, he asked in a loud voice thathe might be allowed to confess, and then not being able any longerto speak, he made the sign of the cross on the ground, which hekissed, and then yielded up his soul to God." Some negroes carriedhis body to the church, where Juan Barbazan, his old servant, aloneventured to come and claim it. This faithful servant secretlyrendered to it funeral honours, for the conspirators had pillagedthe house of Pizarro, not leaving enough even to pay for wax tapers.

Death of Pizarro. From an old print.

Thus did Francisco Pizarro come to his end, assassinated even in thecapital of the vast empire which Spain owed to his valour andindefatigable perseverance, but which he bestowed upon his country,it must be admitted, ravaged, decimated, and drowned in a deluge ofblood. Pizarro is often compared with Cortès; the one had as muchambition, courage, and military capacity as the other; but thecruelty and avarice of the Marquis della Valle were carried to anextreme in Pizarro, and united in him to perfidy and duplicity. Ifwe are inclined to excuse certain parts of Cortès' character whichare not estimable, by the times in which he lived, we are at leastcharmed by that grace and nobility of manners, and by that way of agentleman above prejudices, which made him so much beloved by thesoldier. In Pizarro, on the contrary, we find roughness, and a harsh,unsympathizing way of feeling, while his chivalrous qualitiesdisappear entirely behind the rapacity and perfidy which are thesalient features of his character.

If Cortès found brave and resolute adversaries among the Mexicans,who opposed almost insurmountable difficulties to his progress,Pizarro had no trouble in vanquishing the Peruvians, who were timidand enervated, and who never made any serious resistance to his arms.Of the conquests of Peru and Mexico, the less difficult produced thegreater metallurgic advantage to Spain, and thus it was the moreappreciated.

The civil war was on the point of breaking out again after Pizarro'sdeath when the governor arrived, who was delegated by themetropolitan government. As soon as he had collected the needfultroops, he marched towards Cuzco. He seized young Almagro withouttrouble, had him beheaded with forty of his confederates andgoverned the country with firmness, until the viceroy Blasco NuñezVela, arrived. It is not our intention to enter into the detail ofthe disputes which took place between the latter and Gonzalo Pizarro,who, profiting by the general discontent, caused by the newregulations as to the "repartimientos," revolted against theEmperor's representative. After many changes of fortune, for whichwe have not space, the struggle ended by the defeat and execution ofGonzalo Pizarro, which took place in 1548. His body was taken toCuzco and buried fully dressed; "No one," says Garcilasso de la Vega,"being willing to give even a winding-sheet for it." Thus ended thejudicial assassin of Almagro. Is not the text appropriate in thiscase: "They that take the sword shall perish with the sword"?

CHAPTER II.

Magellan—His early history—His disappointment—His change ofnationality—Preparations for the expedition—Rio de Janeiro—St.Julian's Bay—Revolt of a part of the squadron—Terrible punishmentof the guilty—Magellan's Strait—Patagonia—The Pacific—TheLadrone Islands—Zebu and the Philippine Islands—Death ofMagellan—Borneo—The Moluccas and their Productions—Separation ofthe Trinidad and Victoria—Return to Europe by the Cape of GoodHope—Last misadventures.

No one as yet was aware of the immense size of the continentdiscovered by Christopher Columbus. Still was sought perseveringlyon the coast of America—which was thought to be a collection ofseveral islands—the famous strait which should lead at once to thePacific Ocean and to those Spice Islands the possession of whichwould have made the fortune of Spain. While Cortereal and Cabot wereseeking for it in the Atlantic Ocean, and Cortès in the furthestpart of the Gulf of California, while Pizarro was coasting alongPeru, and Valdivia was conquering Chili, the solution of thisproblem was found by a Portuguese in the service of Spain, Ferdinandde Magellan.

The son of a gentleman of Cota e Armas, Ferdinand de Magellan wasborn either at Oporto, at Lisbon, at Villa de Sabrossa, or at Villade Figueiro, it is not actually known which; the date of his birthis unknown, but it took place towards the end of the fifteenthcentury. He had been brought up in the house of King John II., wherehe received as complete an education as could then be given him.After having made mathematics and navigation his special study—forat this time in Portugal there was an irresistible current whichdrew the whole country towards maritime expeditions anddiscoveries—Magellan early embraced a maritime career, and embarkedin 1505 with Almeida, who was on his way to the Indies. He took partin the sacking of Quiloa, and in all the events of that campaign.The following year he accompanied Vaz Pereira to Sofala; then, onreturning to the Malabar coast, we find him assisting Albuquerque atthe taking of Malacca, and bearing himself on that occasion withequal prudence and bravery. He took part in the expedition sent byAlbuquerque about 1510, to seek for the famous Spice Islands, underthe command of Antonio de Abreu and of Francisco Serrão, whichdiscovered Banda, Amboyna, Ternate, and Tidor. During this timeMagellan had landed at the Malaysian Islands, distant 1800 milesfrom Malacca, and in the Archipelago of the Moluccas he had obtainedthe circ*mstantial information which gave birth in his mind to theidea of the voyage which he was destined to accomplish later on.

Magellan on board his caravel. From an old print.

On his return to Portugal, Magellan obtained leave, though notwithout difficulty, to search through the royal archives. He soonbecame certain that the Moluccas were situated in the hemispherewhich the bull of demarcation adopted at Tordesillas by the kings ofSpain and Portugal, and confirmed in 1494 by Pope Alexander VI., hadgiven to Spain.

In virtue of this line of demarcation, which was destined to giverise to so many impassioned debates, all the countries situated at360 miles west of the meridian of the Cape de Verd Islands were tobelong to Spain, and all those lying to the east of the samemeridian to Portugal. Magellan was of too active a nature to remainlong without again taking service; he went next to fight in Africaat Azamor, a town in Morocco, where he received a slight wound inhis knee, but one which by injuring a nerve made him lame for theremainder of his life, and obliged him to return to Portugal.Conscious of the superiority which his theoretical and practicalknowledge and his services had earned for him above the herd ofcourtiers, Magellan naturally felt more keenly than another wouldhave done the unjust treatment he received from Emmanuel with regardto certain complaints laid by the people of Azamor against thePortuguese officers. King Emmanuel's prejudices soon changed to areal dislike. It showed itself by the outrageous imputation thatMagellan was pretending to suffer from a wound which was really ofno consequence and was completely cured, that he might escape fromaccusations which he could not refute. Such an assertion was aserious matter for the honour of Magellan, so susceptible andsuspicious; he thereupon came to a desperate determination whichcorresponded moreover with the greatness of the insult which he hadreceived. That no one might be ignorant of it, he caused it to belegally set forth that he renounced his rights as a Portuguesecitizen, and changed his nationality, and he then took out lettersof naturalization in Spain. This was to proclaim, as solemnly ascould possibly be done, that he intended to be looked upon as asubject of the crown of Castille, to which henceforward he wouldconsecrate his services and his whole life. This was a seriousdetermination, as we can see, which no one blamed, and which eventhe most severe historians, such as Barros and Faria y Sousa, haveexcused.

At the same time as Magellan, the licentiate Rey Faleiro left Lisbonwith his brother Francisco and a merchant named Christovam de Haro;the former was a man deeply versed in cosmographical knowledge, andhad equally with Magellan fallen under Emmanuel's displeasure.Faleiro had entered into a treaty of partnership with Magellan toreach the Moluccas by a new way, but one which was not otherwisespecified, and which remained Magellan's secret. As soon as theyarrived in Spain, (1517), the two partners submitted their projectto Charles V., who accepted it in principle; but there remained thealways delicate question touching the means for putting it intoexecution. Happily, Magellan found in Juan de Aranda, the factor ofthe Chamber of Commerce, an enthusiastic partisan of his theories,and one who promised to exert all his influence to make theenterprise a success. He had an interview accordingly with the highChancellor, the Cardinal and Bishop of Burgos, Fonseca. He set forthwith such skill the great advantage that Spain would derive from thediscovery of a route leading to the very centre of the spiceproduction, and the great prejudice which it would cause to thetrade of Portugal, that an agreement was signed on the 22nd of March,1518. The Emperor undertook to pay all the expenses of theexpedition on condition that the greater part of the profits shouldbelong to him.

But Magellan had still many obstacles to surmount before taking tothe sea. In the first place there were the remonstrances of thePortuguese ambassador, Alvaro de Costa, who, seeing that hisendeavours were in vain, even tried to compass the assassination ofMagellan, so says Faria y Sousa. Then he encountered the ill-will ofthe employés of the Casa de contratacion at Seville, who werejealous of a stranger being entrusted with the command of such animportant expedition, and envious of the least token of favour whichhad been accorded to Magellan and Rey Faleiro, who had been namedcommanders of the order of St. James. But Charles V. had given hisconsent by a public act, which seemed to be irrevocable. They tried,however, to make the Emperor alter his decision by organizing, onthe 22nd of October, 1518, a disturbance paid for with Portuguesegold. It broke out on the pretext that Magellan, who had just hadone of his ships drawn on shore for repairs and painting, haddecorated it with the Portuguese arms. This last attempt failedmiserably, and three statutes of the 30th of March, and 6th and 30thof April, fixed the composition of the crews and named the staff;while a final official document dated from Barcelona the 26th ofJuly, 1519, confided the sole command of the expedition to Magellan.

What had meanwhile been happening to Rey Faleiro? We cannot exactlysay. But this man, who had up to this time been treated on the samefooting as Magellan, and who had perhaps first conceived the project,now found himself quite excluded from the command of the expedition,after some dissensions of which the cause is unknown. His health,already shaken, received a last shock from this affront, and poorRey Faleiro, who had become almost childish, having returned toPortugal to see his family, was arrested there, and only releasedupon the intercession of Charles V. At last, after having swornfidelity and homage to the crown of Castille, Magellan received inhis turn the oath of his officers and sailors, and left the port ofSan Lucar de Barrameda on the morning of the 10th of August, 1519.

But before entering on the narrative of this memorable campaign, wemust give a few particulars of the man who has left us the mostcomplete account of it, Francesco Antonio Pigafetta or JeromePigaphète as he is often called in France. Born at Venice about 1491,of a noble family, Pigafetta formed part of the suite of theAmbassador Francesco Chiericalco, sent by Leo X. to Charles V., whowas then at Barcelona. His attention was no doubt aroused by thenoise which the preparations for the expedition made at that time inSpain, and he obtained permission to take part in the voyage. Thisvolunteer proved an excellent recruit, for he showed himself inevery respect as faithful and intelligent an observer as he was abrave and courageous companion. He was wounded at the battle of Zebu,fighting beside Magellan, which prevented him from being present atthe banquet during which so many of his companions were destined tolose their lives. As to his narrative, with the exception of someexaggerations of detail according to the taste of that time, it isexact, and the greater part of the descriptions which we owe to himhave been verified by modern travellers and learned men, especiallyby M. Alcide d'Orbigny.

Upon his return to San Lucar on the 6th of September, 1522, afterhaving fulfilled the vow which he had made to go bare-foot to returnthanks to Nuesta Señora de la Victoria, the Lombard (as theycalled him on board the Victoria,) presented to Charles V., thenat Valladolid, a complete journal of the voyage. When he returned toItaly, by means of the original as well as of some supplementarynotes, he wrote a longer narrative of the expedition, at the requestof Pope Clement VII. and of Villiers de l'Isle Adam, grand-master ofthe Knights of Malta. He sent copies of this work to severaldistinguished personages, and notably to Louisa of Savoy, mother ofFrancis I. But she not understanding, so thinks Harrisse, the verylearned author of the Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, the kindof patois used by Pigafetta, and which resembles a mixture ofItalian, Venetian, and Spanish, employed a certain Jacques AntoineFabre to translate it into French. Instead of giving a faithfultranslation, Fabre made a kind of abridgment of it. Some critics,however, suppose that this narrative must have been writtenoriginally in French; they found their opinion upon the existence ofthree French manuscripts of the sixteenth century, which give verydifferent readings, and of which two are deposited in theBibliothèque Nationale at Paris.

Pigafetta died at Venice about 1534, in a house in the Rue de laLune, which in 1800 was still to be seen, and which bore thewell-known device, "No rose without a thorn."

At the same time, not wishing to confine ourselves to Pigafetta'snarrative entirely, we have compared and completed it with that ofMaximilian Transylvain, secretary to Charles V., of which there isan Italian translation in Ramusio's valuable collection.

The fleet of Magellan consisted of the Trinidad, of 120 tons'burden, which carried the flag of the commander of the expedition;the Sant'-Antonio, also of 120 tons, commanded by Juan deCarthagena, the second in rank, the person joined with Magellan,says the official document; the Concepcion, of 90 tons, commandedby Gaspar de Quesada; the famous Victoria, of 85 tons, commandedby Luis de Mendoza; and lastly the Santiago, of 75 tons, commandedby Joao Serrâo, called by the Spaniards Serrano.

Four of these captains and nearly all the pilots were Portuguese.Barbosa and Gomez on board the Trinidad, Luis Alfonso de Goez andVasco Gallego on the Victoria, Serrâo, Joao Lopez de Carvalho onthe Concepcion, Joao Rodriguez de Moefrapil on the Sant'-Antonio,and Joao Serrâo on the Santiago, with 25 sailors, formed a totalof 33 Portuguese out of the whole body of 237 individuals whosenames have all been handed down to us, and amongst whom are found aconsiderable number of Frenchmen.

Of the officers whose names have been mentioned, it is to beremembered that Duarte Barbosa was brother-in-law to Magellan andthat Estavam Gomez, who, by returning to Seville on the 6th of May,1521, did not participate in the conclusion of this memorable voyage,was afterwards sent by Charles V. to seek for the north-west passage,and in 1524 sailed along the coast of America from Florida to RhodeIsland, and perhaps as far as Cape Cod.

Nothing could have been better arranged than this expedition, forthe equipment of which the whole resources of the nautical scienceof that epoch had been taxed. At the moment of departure Magellangave his last orders to his pilots and captains, and the code ofsignals which were to ensure unanimity in manoeuvres, and prevent apossible separation.

On Monday morning, the 10th of August, 1519, the fleet weighedanchor and sailed down the Guadalquiver as far as San Lucar deBarrameda, which forms the port of Seville, where the victualling ofthe ships was completed, and it was the 20th of September beforethey were really off. Six days afterwards the fleet anchored atTeneriffe in the Canary Archipelago, where both wood and water weretaken on board. It was on leaving this island that the firstsymptoms appeared of the misunderstanding between Magellan and Juande Carthagena which was to prove so fatal to the expedition. Thelatter claimed to be informed by the commander-in-chief of the routewhich he intended to take, a claim which was at once rejected byMagellan, who declared that he was not called upon to give anyexplanation to his subordinate.

After having passed between the Cape de Verd Islands and Africa, theships reached the shores of Sierra Leone, where contrary winds anddead calms detained the fleet for twenty days.

Juan de Carthagena placed in the stocks.

A painful incident now occurred. During a council which was held onboard the flag-ship, a sharp dispute arose, and Juan de Carthagena,who affected to treat the Captain-general with contempt, havinganswered him with pride and insolence, Magellan felt obliged toarrest him with his own hand, and to have him put in the stocks, aninstrument made of two pieces of wood placed one upon the other andpierced with holes, in which were placed the legs of the sailor whowas to be punished. The other captains remonstrated loudly withMagellan against a punishment which was too degrading for a superiorofficer, and Carthagena in consequence was simply put under arrest,and guarded by one of the captains. To the calms now succeeded rain,tempests, and heavy squalls, which obliged the vessels to lie-to.During these storms the navigators several times witnessed anelectric phenomenon of which the cause was not then known, but whichthey considered an undoubted sign of the protection of heaven, andwhich even at the present day is known by the name of St. Elmo'sfire. Once past the equinoctial line—a passage which does not atthat time seem to have been celebrated by the grotesque ceremony ofbaptism which is in vogue at the present day—they steered forBrazil, where, on the 13th of December, 1519, the fleet cast anchorin the magnificent port of Santa Lucia, now known under the name ofRio Janeiro. This was not, however, the first time that this bay hadbeen seen by Europeans, as was long believed. Since the year 1511 ithad been known under the name of Bahia do Cabo Frio. It had beenvisited also, four years before Magellan's arrival, by Pero Lopez,and seems to have been frequented since the commencement of thesixteenth century by mariners from Dieppe who, inheritors of thepassion for adventurous navigation of their ancestors the North-men,roamed over the world, and founded small establishments or factoriesin all directions. Here the Spanish expedition procured cheaply, inexchange for looking-glasses, pieces of ribbon, scissors, hawks'bells or fish-hooks, a quantity of provisions, amongst whichPigafetta mentions pine-apples, sugar-canes, sweet potatoes, fowls,and the flesh of the Anta, which is thought to be the tapir.

The account given in the same narrative of the manners of theinhabitants is sufficiently curious to be repeated. "The Braziliansare not Christians," he says, "but no more are they idolaters, forthey worship nothing; natural instinct is their only law." This isan interesting fact, and a singular avowal for an Italian of thesixteenth century, deeply imbued with superstition; it offers onemore proof that the idea of the Divinity is not innate, as sometheologians have imagined. "These natives live to a great age, theygo entirely naked, and sleep in cotton nets called hammocks,suspended by the two ends to beams. As to their boats, called canoes,each is hollowed out of the single trunk of a tree and can hold asmany as forty men. They are anthropophagi (cannibals), but only onspecial occasions, and scarcely ever eat any but their enemies takenin battle. Their dress of ceremony is a kind of vest made ofparoquets' feathers, woven together, and so arranged that the largewing and tail-feathers form a sort of girdle round their loins,which gives them a whimsical and ridiculous appearance."

We have already said that the feather cloak was in use on the shoresof the Pacific, among the Peruvians; it is curious to ascertain thatit was worn equally by the Brazilians. Some specimens of thissingular garment may be seen at the exhibition of the EthnographicalMuseum. This was not however the only ornament of these savages;they suspended little stone cylinders from three holes pierced inthe lower lip, a custom which is common among many of the Oceanicpeople, and which may be compared with our fashion of ear-rings.These people were extremely credulous and of good disposition andthus, as Pigafetta says, they could easily have been converted toChristianity, for they assisted in silence, and with gravity, at themass which was said on shore, a remark that Alvarez Cabral hadalready made.

The Coast of Brazil.

After remaining thirteen days in this place, the squadron continuedits route to the south, coasting along the shore, and arrived at 34°40' of south latitude in a country where flowed alarge river of fresh water. It was the La Plata. The natives, calledCharruas, were so frightened at the sight of the vessels that theyhastily took refuge in the interior of the country, carrying withthem all their valuables, and it was impossible to overtake any ofthem. It was in this country that four years previously, Juan Diazde Solis had been massacred by a tribe of Charruas, armed with thatterrible engine which is still in use at the present day among thegauchos of the Argentine Republic, the bolas, which are metalballs fastened to the two ends of a long leather thong, called alasso.

A little below the estuary of the La Plata, once thought to be anarm of the sea opening into the Pacific, the flotilla anchored atPort Desire. Here they obtained an ample supply of penguins for thecrews of the five vessels—a bird which did not make a verydelicious meal. Then they anchored in 49° 30' in abeautiful harbour, where Magellan resolved to winter, and whichreceived the name of St. Julian's Bay. The Spaniards had been twomonths there, when one day they perceived a man who seemed to themto be of gigantic stature. At sight of them he began dancing andsinging and throwing dust upon his head. This was a Patagonian, whoallowed himself without resistance to be taken on board the vessels.He showed the greatest surprise at all he saw around him, butnothing astonished him so much as a large steel mirror which waspresented to him. "The giant, who had not the least idea of the useof this piece of furniture, and who, no doubt, now saw his own facefor the first time, drew back in such terror, that he threw to theground four of our people who were behind him." He was taken back onshore loaded with presents, and the kind welcome which he hadreceived induced eighteen of his companions, thirteen women and fivemen, to come on board. They were tall, and had broad faces, paintedred except the eyes, which were encircled with yellow; their hairwas whitened with lime, they were wrapped in enormous fur cloaks,and wore those large leather boots from which was given to them thename of Large-feet or Patagonians. Their stature was not, however,so gigantic as it appeared to our simple narrator, for it variesfrom 5ft. 10in. to 5ft. 8in., being somewhat above the middle heightamong Europeans. For arms they had a short massive bow, and arrowsmade of reed, of which the point was formed of a sharp pebble.

The captain, to retain two of these savages whom he wished to taketo Europe, used a stratagem, which we should characterize as hatefulin the present day, but which had nothing revolting about it for thesixteenth century, when Indians and negroes were universallyconsidered to be a kind of brute beasts. Magellan loaded theseIndians with presents, and when he saw them embarrassed with thequantity, he offered to each of them one of those iron rings usedfor chaining captives. They would have desired to carry them away,for they valued iron above everything, but their hands were full. Itwas then proposed to fasten the rings to their legs, to which theyagreed without suspicion. The sailors then closed the rings, so thatthe savages found themselves in fetters. Nothing can give an idea oftheir fury when they discovered this stratagem, worthy rather ofsavages than of civilized men. The capture of others was attempted,but in vain, and in the chase one of the Spaniards was wounded by apoisoned arrow, which caused his death almost instantaneously.Intrepid hunters, these people wander about perpetually in pursuitof guanaquis and other game; they are endowed with such wonderfulvoracity "that what would suffice for the nourishment of twentysailors, can scarcely satisfy seven or eight of them." Magellan,foreseeing that the stay here was likely to be prolonged, andperceiving that the country only presented meagre resources, gaveorders to economize the provisions, and to put the men on fixedrations, that they might not experience too great privations beforethe spring, when they might reach a country where there was moregame. But the Spaniards, discontented at the sterility of the place,and at the length and rigour of the winter, began to murmur. Thisland seemed to stretch southwards as far as the Antarctic pole, theysaid; there did not seem to be any strait; already several had diedfrom the privations they had endured; lastly it was time to returnto Spain, if the commander did not wish to see all his men perish inthis place.

Magellan, fully resolved to die, or else to bring the enterprise hecommanded to a successful issue, replied that the Emperor hadassigned him the course which the voyage was to take, and he neithercould nor would depart from it under any pretext, and that inconsequence, he should go straight forward to the end of this land,or until he met with some strait. As to provisions, if they foundthem insufficient, his men might add to their rations the produce oftheir fishing or hunting. Magellan thought that so firm adeclaration would impose silence on the malcontents, and that hewould hear no more of privations, from which he suffered equallywith his crews. He deceived himself completely. Certain of thecaptains, and Juan de Carthagena in particular, were interested incausing a revolt to break out. These rebels therefore began byreminding the Spaniards of their old animosity against thePortuguese. The captain-general being one of the latter nation, hadnever, according to them, tendered a whole-hearted allegiance to theSpanish flag. In order to be able to return to his own country andto gain pardon for what he had done wrong, he wished to commit someheinous crime, and nothing could be more advantageous to Portugalthan the destruction of this fine fleet. Instead of leading them tothe Archipelago of the Moluccas, of the riches of which he hadboasted to them, he wished to take them into frozen regions, thedwelling-place of eternal snow, where he could easily manage thatthey should all perish; then with the help of the Portuguese onboard the squadron, he would take back to his own country thevessels which he had seized.

Such were the reports and accusations that the partisans of Juan deCarthagena, Luis de Mendoza, and Gaspar de Quesada had disseminatedamong the sailors, when on Palm Sunday, the 1st of April, 1520,Magellan summoned the captains, officers, and pilots, to hear masson board his vessel and to dine with him afterwards. Alvaro de laMesquita, a cousin of the captain-general, accepted this invitationwith Antonio de Coca and his officers, but neither Mendoza norQuesada, nor Juan de Carthagena, who was Quesada's prisoner,appeared. The next night the malcontents boarded the Sant'-Antoniowith thirty of the men of the Concepcion, and desired to have LaMesquita given up to them. The pilot, Juan de Eliorraga, whiledefending his captain, received four stabs from a poniard in the arm.Quesada cried out at the same time, "You will see that this foolwill make our business fail." The three vessels, the Concepcion,Sant'-Antonio, and Santiago, fell without difficulty into thehands of the rebels, who reckoned more than one accomplice among thecrews. In spite of this success, the three captains did not dareopenly to attack the commander-in-chief, and sent to him someproposals for a reconciliation. Magellan ordered them to come onboard the Trinidad to confer with him; but this they stoutlyrefused to do, whereupon Magellan, having no further need of caution,had the boat seized which had brought him this answer, and choosingsix strong and brave men from amongst his crew, he sent them onboard the Victoria under the command of the alguazil Espinosa.He carried a letter from Magellan to Mendoza enjoining him to comeon board the Trinidad, and when Mendoza smiled in a scornfulmanner, Espinosa stabbed him in the throat with a poniard, while asailor struck him on the head with a cutlass. While these eventswere taking place, another boat, laden with fifteen armed men, camealongside the Victoria, and took possession of her without anyresistance from the sailors, surprised by the rapidity of the action.On the next day, the 3rd of April, the two other rebel vessels weretaken, not however without bloodshed. Mendoza's body was dividedinto quarters, while a clerk read in a loud voice the sentence thatblasted his memory. Three days afterwards, Quesada was beheaded andcut in pieces by his own servant, who undertook this sad task tosave his own life. As to Carthagena, the high rank which the royaledict had conferred upon him in the expedition saved him from death,but with Gomez de la Reina, the chaplain, he was left behind on theshore, where some months afterwards he was found by Estevam Gomez.Forty sailors convicted of rebellion were pardoned because theirservices were considered indispensable. After this severe lessonMagellan might well hope that the mutinous spirit was really subdued.

When the temperature became milder the anchors were weighed; thesquadron put to sea on the 24th of August, following the coast, andcarefully exploring all the gulfs to find that strait which had beenso persistently sought. At the level of Cape St. Croix, one of thevessels, the Santiago, was lost on the rocks during a violent galefrom the east. Happily both the men and merchandise on board weresaved, and they succeeded also in taking from the wrecked vessel therigging and appurtenances of the ship, which they divided among thefour remaining vessels.

At last on the 21st of October, according to Pigafetta, the 27th ofNovember according to Maximilian Transylvain, the flotillapenetrated by a narrow entrance into a gulf, at the bottom of whicha strait opened, which as they soon saw passed into the sea to thesouth. First they called this the Strait of the Eleven ThousandVirgins, because this was the day dedicated to them. On each sideof the strait rose high land covered with snow, on which they sawnumerous fires, especially to the left, but they were unable toobtain any communication with the natives. The details whichPigafetta and Martin Transylvain have given with regard to thetopographical and hydrographical dispositions of this strait arerather vague, and as we shall have to mention it again when we speakof De Bougainville's expedition, we shall not dilate upon it now.After sailing for twenty-two days across this succession of narrowinlets and arms of the sea, in some places three miles wide, in sometwelve, which extends for a distance of 440 miles and has receivedthe name of Magellan's Strait, the flotilla emerged upon a sea ofimmense extent and great depth.

The rejoicings were general when at last the sailors foundthemselves at the long-wished-for end of their efforts. Henceforwardthe route was open and Magellan's clever conjectures were realized.

Nothing is more extraordinary than the navigation of Magellan uponthis ocean, which he called Pacific, because for four months nostorm assailed him upon it. The privations endured by the crewsduring this long space of time were excessive. The biscuit wasnothing more than dust mixed with worms, while the water had becomebad and gave out an unbearable smell. The sailors were obliged toeat mice and sawdust to prevent themselves from dying of hunger, andto gnaw all the leather that it was possible to find. As it was easyto foresee under these circ*mstances, the crews were decimated byscurvy. Nineteen men died, and thirty were seized with violent painsin their arms and legs, which caused prolonged sufferings. At last,after having sailed over more than 12,000 miles without meeting witha single island, in a sea where so many and such populousarchipelagos were destined to be discovered, the fleet came upon twodesert and sterile islands, called for that reason the UnfortunateIslands, but of which the position is indicated in much toocontradictory a manner, for it to be possible to recognize them.

In 12° north latitude and 146° longitude, on Wednesdaythe 6th of March, the navigators discovered successively threeislands, at which they greatly desired to stop to recruit, and takein fresh provisions; but the islanders who came on board stole somany things, without the possibility of preventing them, that thesailors were obliged to give up the idea of remaining there. Thenatives contrived even to carry off a long boat. Magellan, indignantat such daring, made a descent with forty armed men, burned somehouses and boats, and killed seven men. These islanders had neitherchief, king, nor religion. Their heads were covered with palm-leafhats, they wore beards, and their hair descended to their waists.Generally of an olive tint, they thought they embellished themselvesby colouring their teeth black and red, while their bodies wereanointed with cocoa-nut oil, no doubt in order to protect themselvesfrom the heat of the sun. Their canoes of curious construction,carried a very large matting sail, which might have easily capsizedthe boat if the precaution had not been taken of giving a morestable trim by means of a long piece of wood kept at a certaindistance by two poles; this is what is called the "balance." Theseislanders were very industrious, but had a singular aptitude forstealing, which has gained for their country the name of theIslands of Thieves (Ladrone Islands).

The Ladrone Islands. From an old print.

On the 16th of March was seen, at about 900 miles from the Ladrones,some high ground; this was soon discovered to be an island which nowgoes by the name of Samar Island. There Magellan, resolving to givehis exhausted crews some rest, caused two tents to be pitched onland for the use of the sick. The natives quickly brought bananas,palm wine, cocoa-nuts, and fish; for which mirrors, combs, bells,and other similar trifles were offered in exchange. The cocoa-nut, atree which is valuable beyond all others, supplied these nativeswith their bread, wine, oil, and vinegar, and besides they obtainedfrom it their clothing and the necessary wood for building androofing in their huts.

The natives soon became familiar with the Spaniards, and told themthat their archipelago produced cloves, cinnamon, pepper, nutmegs,ginger, maize or Indian-corn, and that even gold was found there.Magellan gave this archipelago the name of the St. Lazarus Islands,afterwards changed to that of the Philippines from the name ofPhilip of Austria, son of Charles V.

This archipelago is formed of a great number of islands which extendin Malaysia, between 5° 32' and 19° 38'north latitude, and 114° 56' and 123° 43'longitude east of the meridian of Paris. The most importantare Luzon, Mindoro, Leyte, the Ceylon of Pigafetta, Samar, Panay,Negros, Zebu, Bohol, Palawan, and Mindanao.

When they were a little restored, the Spaniards put to sea again, inorder to explore the archipelago. They saw in succession the islandsof Cenalo, Huinaugan, Ibusson, and Abarien, as well as anotherisland called Massava, of which the king Colambu could make himselfunderstood by a slave a native of Sumatra, whom Magellan had takento Europe from India, and who by his knowledge of Malay renderedsignal service in several instances. The king came on board with sixor eight of his principal subjects. He brought with him presents forthe captain-general, and in exchange he received a vest of red andyellow cloth, made in Turkish fashion, and a cap of fine scarlet,while mirrors and knives were given to the members of his suite. TheSpaniards showed him all their fire-arms and fired some shots fromthe cannon in his presence, at which he was much terrified. "ThenMagellan caused one of our number to be fully armed," says Pigafetta,"and ordered three men to give him blows with the sword and stiletto,to show the king that nothing could wound a man armed in this manner,which surprised him greatly, and turning to the interpreter he saidto the captain through him, 'that a man thus armed, could fightagainst a hundred.' 'Yes,' replied the interpreter, in the name ofthe commandant, 'and each of the three vessels carries 200 men armedin this manner.'" The king, astonished by all that he had seen, tookleave of the captain, begging him to send two of his men with him,to let them see something of the island. Pigafetta was chosen, andwas much satisfied with the welcome that he received. The king toldhim "that in this island they found pieces of gold as large as nuts,and even eggs, mixed with the earth which they passed through asieve to find them; all his vessels and even some of the ornamentsof his house were of this metal. He was very neatly dressed,according to the custom of the country, and was the finest man thatI have seen among these people. His black hair fell upon hisshoulders; a silk veil covered his head, and he wore two rings inhis ears. From his waist to his knees, he was covered with a cottencloth embroidered in silk. On each of his teeth there were threespots of gold, arranged in such a manner that one would have saidall his teeth were fastened together with this metal. He wasperfumed with storax and benzoin. His skin was painted, but itsnatural tint was olive."

On Easter Day, the Europeans went on shore to celebrate mass in akind of little church which they had constructed on the sea-shorewith sails and branches of trees. An altar had been set up, andduring the whole time that the religious ceremony lasted, the kingwith a large concourse of people, listened in silence and imitatedall the motions of the Spaniards. Then a cross having been plantedon a hill with great solemnity, they weighed anchor and made for theport of Zebu, as being the best for revictualling the vessels andtrading. They arrived there on Sunday, the 7th of April. Magellansent one of his officers on shore at once with the interpreter, asambassador to the king of Zebu. The envoy explained that the chiefof the squadron was under the orders of the greatest king in theworld. The object of the voyage, he added, was the wish to pay him avisit, and at the same time to take in some fresh provisions inexchange for merchandise, and then to go to the Molucca Islands.Such were the motives which caused them to tarry in a country wherethey came as friends.

"They are welcome," replied the king; "but if they intend to tradethey should pay a duty to which all vessels are subject that entermy port, as did, not four days since, a junk from Siam, which cameto seek for slaves and gold, to which a Moorish merchant who hasremained in this country can testify."

The Spaniard replied that his master was too great a king to submitto such an unreasonable demand. They had come with pacificintentions; but if war were declared, it would be seen with whomthey had to deal.

The king of Zebu, warned by the Moorish merchant, of the power ofthose who stood before him, and whom he took for Portuguese, atlength consented to forego his claims. Moreover the king of Massava,who had continued to serve as pilot to the Spaniards, so altered theinclinations of his brother sovereign, that the Spaniards obtainedthe exclusive privilege of trading in the island, and a loyalfriendship was sealed between the king of Zebu and Magellan by anexchange of blood which each drew from his right arm.

From this moment, provisions were brought and cordial relationsestablished. The nephew of the king came with a numerous suite tovisit Magellan on board his ship, and the latter took thisopportunity to relate to his visitors the wonderful history of thecreation of the world, and of the redemption of the human race, andto invite him and his people to become converts to Christianity.They showed no repugnance to being baptized, and on the 14th ofApril the kings of Zebu and Massava, and the Moorish merchant, with500 men and as many women received baptism. But what was only afashion at first, for it cannot be said that the natives knew thereligion which they embraced or were persuaded of its truth, becamea real frenzy, after a wonderful cure had been effected by Magellan.Having learnt that the father of the king had been ill for two yearsand was on the point of death, the captain-general promised, that ifhe consented to be baptized and the natives would burn their idols,he would find himself cured. "He added that he was so convinced ofwhat he said," relates Pigafetta—for it is as well to quote theauthor verbatim in such a matter—"that he agreed to lose his headif what he promised did not happen immediately. We then made aprocession, with all possible pomp, from the place where we were tothe sick man's house, whom we found really in a very sad state inthat he could neither speak nor move. We baptized him with two ofhis wives and ten daughters. The captain asked him directly afterhis baptism how he found himself, and he suddenly replied thatthanks to our Lord he was well. We were all witnesses of thismiracle. The captain above all rendered thanks to God for it. Hegave the prince a refreshing drink, and continued to send him someof it every day till he was quite restored. On the fifth day theinvalid found himself quite cured and got up. His first care was tohave burned, in the presence of the king and all the people, an idolfor which he had great veneration, and which some old women guardedcarefully in his house. He also caused some temples which stood onthe sea-shore, and in which the people assembled to eat the meatconsecrated to their old divinities, to be thrown down. All theinhabitants applauded these acts, and proposed themselves to go anddestroy all the idols, even those which were in use in the king'shouse, crying at the same time 'Vive la Castille!' in honour ofthe king of Spain."

Near to the Island of Zebu is another island called Matan which hadtwo chiefs, one of whom had recognized the authority of Spain, whilethe other having energetically resisted it, Magellan resolved toimpose it upon him by force. On Friday, the 26th of April, threelong boats left for the Island of Matan containing sixty men wearingcuirasses and helmets, and armed with muskets; and thirtybalangais bearing the king of Zebu, his son-in-law, and a numberof warriors.

The Spaniards waited for day and then to the number of forty-nineleapt into the water, for the boats could not approach the land onaccount of the rocks and shallow water. More than 1500 nativesawaited them, and at once threw themselves upon them, and attackedthem in three troops, both in front and flank. The musketeers andthe crossbow-men fired on the multitude of warriors from a distance,without doing them much harm, they being protected by their bucklers.The Spaniards, assailed by stones, arrows, javelins, and lances, andoverwhelmed by numbers, set fire to some huts to disperse andintimidate the natives. But these, made more furious by the sight ofthe fire, redoubled their efforts, and pressed the Spaniards on allsides, who had the greatest difficulty in resisting them, when a sadevent took place which compromised the issue of the combat. Thenatives were not slow in remarking that all the blows which theydirected towards those parts of their enemies' bodies which wereprotected by armour, caused no wounds; they set themselves thereforeto hurl their arrows and javelins against the lower part of the body,which was undefended. Magellan, wounded in the leg by a poisonedarrow, gave the order for retreat, which, begun in good order, soonchanged into such a flight, that seven or eight Spaniards aloneremained at his side. With much difficulty they kept movingbackwards, fighting as they went, in order to reach the boats. Theywere already knee-deep in the water when several islanders rushedall together upon Magellan, who, wounded in the arm, was unable todraw his sword; they gave him such a sabre-cut upon his leg that heimmediately fell down in the water, where he was speedily despatched.His remaining companions, and among them Pigafetta, every one ofwhom had been hit, hastily regained the boats. Thus perished theillustrious Magellan on the 27th of April, 1521. "He was adornedwith every virtue," says Pigafetta, "and ever exhibited an unshakenconstancy in the midst of the greatest adversity. At sea he alwayscondemned himself to greater privations than the rest of his crew.Better versed than any one else in the knowledge of nautical charts,he was perfect in the art of navigation, as he proved by making thetour of the world, which none before him had ventured to do."Pigafetta's funeral eulogy, though a little hyperbolical, is notuntrue in the main. Magellan had need of singular constancy andperseverance to penetrate, despite the fears of his companions, intoregions peopled by the superstitious spirit of the time withfantastic dangers. Peculiar nautical science was also necessary toachieve the discovery at the extremity of that long coast of thestrait which so justly bears his name. He was obliged to giveunceasing attention to avoid all untoward accidents while exploringthose unknown parts without any exact instruments. That one of thevessels was lost must be imputed to pride and a spirit of revolt inher own captain, more than to any incapacity or want of caution inthe captain-general. Let us add with our enthusiastic narrator, "Theglory of Magellan will survive his death."

Death of Magellan.

Duarte Barbosa, Magellan's brother-in-law, and Juan Serrano wereelected commanders by the Spaniards, who were destined to meet withfurther catastrophes. The slave who had acted as interpreter up tothis time had been slightly wounded during the battle. From the timeof his master's death he had kept aloof, not rendering any furtherservice to the Spaniards, and remaining extended upon his mat. Aftersome rather sharp reproofs from Barbosa, who told him that hismaster's death did not make him a free man, he disappeared all atonce. He was gone to the newly-baptized king, to whom he declaredthat if he could allure the Spaniards into some trap and then killthem, he would make himself master of all their provisions andmerchandise. Serrano, Barbosa, and twenty-seven Spaniards wereaccordingly invited to a solemn assembly to receive the presentsdestined by the king of Zebu for the Emperor; during the banquetthey were attacked unexpectedly, and were all massacred exceptSerrano, who was led bound to the sea-shore, where he besought hiscompanions to ransom him, for if they did not he would be murdered.But Juan de Carvalho and the others, fearing that the insurrectionwould become general, and that they might be attacked during thenegotiations by a numerous fleet which they would not be able toresist, turned a deaf ear to the unfortunate Serrano's supplications.The ships set sail and reached the Island of Bohol, which was notfar distant.

When there, thinking that their numbers were too much reduced tonavigate three vessels, they burnt the Concepcion, after havingtransshipped all that was most precious on board the other vessels.Then, after having coasted along the Island of Panilongon theystopped at Butuan, which forms part of Mindanao, a magnificentisland, with numerous ports, and rivers abounding in fish, to thenorth-west of which lies the Island of Luzon, the most considerableof the Archipelago. The ships touched also at Paloan, where theyfound pigs, goats, fowls, different kinds of bananas, cocoa-nuts,sugar-canes, and rice, with which they provisioned the ships. Thiswas for them, as Pigafetta expresses it, "a promised land." Amongthe things which he thought worthy of notice, the Italian travellermentions the co*cks kept by the natives for fighting; a passion whichafter so many years is still deeply-rooted amongst the population ofthe whole Philippine Archipelago. From Paloan, the Spaniards nextwent to the Island of Borneo, the centre of Malay civilization. Fromthat time they had no longer to deal with poverty-stricken people,but with a rich population, who received them with magnificence.Their reception by the rajah is sufficiently curious to warrant afew words being devoted to it. At the landing-place they found twoelephants with silk trappings, who bore the strangers to the houseof the governor of the town, while twelve men carried the presentswhich were to be offered to the rajah. From the governor's housewhere they slept, to the palace of the king, the streets were keptby armed men. Upon descending from their elephants the Spaniardswere admitted to a room filled with courtiers. At the end of thisroom opened another smaller room, hung with cloth of gold, in whichwere 300 men of the king's guard armed with poniards. Through a doorthey could then see the rajah, sitting by a table with a littlechild, chewing betel-nut. Behind him there were only some women.

Etiquette required that the petition to be made must pass insuccession through the mouths of three nobles, each of higher rankthan the last, before being transmitted, by means of a hollow caneplaced in a hole in the wall, to one of the principal officers, whosubmitted it to the king. Then there was an exchange of presents,after which the Spanish Ambassadors were conducted back to theirvessels with the same ceremony as on their arrival. The capital isbuilt on piles in the sea; so that when the tide rises, the womenwho sell provisions go about the town in boats. On the 29th of Julymore than 100 canoes surrounded the two vessels, whilst at the sametime some junks weighed anchor to approach them more nearly. TheSpaniards, fearing to be treacherously attacked, took the initiativeand fired off their artillery, which killed a number of people inthe canoes, upon which the king excused himself, saying that hisfleet had not been directed against them, but against the Gentileswith whom the Mussulmen had daily combats. This island producesarrack (the alcohol of rice), camphor, cinnamon, ginger, oranges,citrons, sugar-canes, melons, radishes, onions, &c. The articles ofexchange are copper, quicksilver, cinnabar, glass, woollen cloths,and canvas, and above all iron and spectacles, without mentioningporcelain, and diamonds, some of which were of extraordinary sizeand value. The fauna comprises elephants, horses, buffaloes, pigs,goats, and domestic poultry. The money in use is of bronze, it iscalled sapèque and consists of small coins which are perforatedwith holes, that they may be strung together.

On leaving Borneo the travellers sought for a suitable spot in whichto repair their vessels, which were in such great need of it thatthe men were not less than forty-two days over the work. "The oddestthings which I have found in this island," says Pigafetta, "are thetrees of which all the leaves are animated. These leaves resemblethose of the mulberry, but are not so long; the stalk is short andpointed, and near the stalk on both sides there are two feet. If youtouch the leaves, they escape; but when crushed no blood comes fromthem. I have kept one of them in a box for nine days; when I openedthe box, the leaf was walking about in it; I believe they must liveupon air." These very curious animals are well known at the presentday, and are commonly called leaf-flies (mouches-feuille); theyare of a grey-brown, which makes them more easily mistaken for deadleaves, which they exactly resemble in appearance.

It was while in these parts that the Spanish expedition, which,during Magellan's life had preserved its scientific character, beganperceptibly to become piratical. Thus, on several occasions, junkswere seized upon, and their crews forced by their Spanish captors topay large ransoms.

The ships next passed by the Archipelago of the Sooloo Islands, thehaunt of Malay pirates, who have even now only lately submitted tothe Spanish arms; then by Mindanao, which had been already visited,for it was known that the eagerly sought-for Moluccas must be in itsneighbourhood, whether more or less remote. At last, after havingseen a number of islands, of which the names would not convey muchidea to us, on Wednesday, the 6th of November the Spaniardsdiscovered the Archipelago, about which the Portuguese had relatedsuch terrifying fables, and two days later they landed at Tidor.Thus the object of the voyage was attained.

The king came to meet the Spaniards, and invited them to go on boardhis canoe. "He was seated under a silk parasol which covered himentirely. In front of him were placed one of his sons who carriedthe royal sceptre, two men who had each a golden vase full of waterfor washing the king's hands, and two others holding small giltboxes filled with betel." Then the Spaniards made the king come onboard the vessels, where they showed him much respect, at the sametime loading him and those who accompanied him with presents, whichseemed to them very precious. "This king is a Moor, that is to say,an Arab," Pigafetta affirms; "he is nearly forty-five years of age,tolerably well made, and with a fine physiognomy. His clothingconsisted of a very fine shirt, the cuffs of which were embroideredin gold; drapery descended from his waist to his feet; a silk veil(no doubt a turban) covered his head, and upon this veil there was agarland of flowers. His name is Rajah-sultan Manzor."

The next day, in a long interview which he had with the Spaniards,Manzor declared his intention of placing himself with the Islands ofTernate and Tidor under the protection of the king of Spain.

The Sultan Manzor.

This is the place to give some details about the Archipelago of theMoluccas, drawn from Pigafetta's narrative, which we are followingstep by step in the version that M. Ed. Charton has given, and towhich he has added such valuable notes.

This Archipelago properly speaking, comprises the Islands of Gilolo,Ternate, Tidor, Mornay, Batchian, and Misal; but the Banda andAmboyna groups are also often comprehended under the general name ofMolucca. Formerly convulsed by repeated volcanic commotions, thisArchipelago contains a great number of craters almost all extinct,or in repose during a long succession of years. The air there isburning, and would be almost unfit to breathe, if frequent rains didnot fall and refresh the atmosphere. The natural productions areextremely valuable. In the first rank must be placed the sago-tree,of which the pith called sago takes, with yams, the place of cerealsthroughout Malacca. As soon as the tree is cut down, the pith isextracted, which is then grated, passed through a sieve, andafterwards cut up in the form of small rolls, which are dried in theshade. There are also the mulberry, the clove, the nutmeg, thecamphor, and pepper-trees; in fact all the spice-trees and all thetropical fruits. The forests contain some valuable kinds of wood,ebony, iron-wood, teak, famous for its strength and employed fromthe most ancient times in costly buildings, and the Calilaban laurel,which yields an aromatic essential oil that is highly prized. Atthis period domestic animals were not numerous in the Moluccas, butamong the wild animals the most curious were the babiroussa, anenormous wild boar with long tusks bent backwards; the opossum, akind of didelphis a little larger than our squirrel; the phalanger,a marsupial which lives in thick, dark forests, where it feeds uponleaves and fruit; and the tarsier, a kind of jerboa, a very harmless,inoffensive little animal with reddish-coloured hair, about the sizeof a rat, but whose body bears some resemblance to that of an ape.Among the birds, the most remarkable were the parroquets andco*ckatoos, the birds of Paradise of which so many fabulous accountswere given, and which until then had been believed to be withoutlegs, the king-fishers, and the cassowaries, great wading-birdsalmost as large as ostriches.

A Portuguese named Lorosa had been long settled in the Moluccas, andto him the Spaniards forwarded a letter, in the hope that he wouldbetray his country and attach himself to Spain. They obtained themost curious information from him with regard to the expeditionswhich the king of Portugal had despatched to the Cape of Good Hope,to the Rio de la Plata and to the Moluccas; but from variouscirc*mstances these latter expeditions had not been able to takeplace. He himself had been sixteen years in this Archipelago; thePortuguese had been installed there for ten years, but upon thisfact they preserved the most complete silence. When Lorosa saw theSpaniards making their preparations for departure, he came on boardwith his wife and his goods to return to Europe. On the 12th ofNovember all the merchandise destined for barter was landed, itbeing chiefly derived from the four junks which had been seized inBorneo. Certainly the Spaniards traded to great advantage, butnevertheless not to so great an extent as they might have done, forthey were in haste to return to Spain. Some vessels from Gilolo andBatchian came also to trade with them, and a few days later theyreceived a considerable stock of cloves from the king of Tidor. Thisking invited them to a great banquet which he said it was his customto give when a vessel or junk was loaded with the first cloves. Butthe Spaniards, remembering what had happened to them in thePhilippines, refused the invitation while presenting compliments andexcuses to the king. When their cargo was completed, they set sail.Scarcely had the Trinidad put to sea before it was perceived thatshe had a serious leak, and the return to Tidor as fast as possiblewas unavoidable. The skilful divers whom the king placed at thedisposal of the Spaniards, were unable to discover the hole, and itbecame necessary to partly unload the ship to make the necessaryrepairs. The sailors who were on board the Victoria would not waitfor their companions, and the ship's officers seeing clearly thatthe Trinidad would not be fit for the voyage to Spain, decidedthat she should go to Darien, where her valuable cargo would bedischarged and transported across the Isthmus to the Atlantic, wherea vessel would be sent to fetch it. But neither the unfortunatevessel nor her crew was destined ever to return to Spain.

The Trinidad, commanded by the alguazil Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa,who had Juan de Carvalho as pilot, was in so bad a state that afterleaving Tidor, she was obliged to anchor at Ternate, in the port ofTalangomi, where her crew consisting of seventeen men wasimmediately imprisoned by the Portuguese. The only reply given toEspinosa's remonstrances was a threat to hang him to the yard of avessel; and the unfortunate alguazil, after having been transferredto Cochin, was sent to Lisbon, where for seven months he remainedshut up in the prison of the Limoeiro with two Spaniards, the solesurvivors of the crew of the Trinidad.

As to the Victoria, she left Tidor richly laden under the commandof Juan Sebastian del Cano, who, after having been simply a pilot onboard one of Magellan's ships, had taken the command of theConcepcion on the 27th of April, 1521, and who succeeded to JuanLopez de Carvalho, when the latter was superseded in his command forincapacity. The crew of the Victoria was composed of onlyfifty-three Europeans and thirteen Indians. Fifty-four Europeansremained at Tidor on board the Trinidad.

After passing amidst the islands of Caioan, Laigoma, Sico, Giofi,Cafi, Laboan, Toliman, Batchian, Mata, and Batu, the Victoria leftthis latter island to the west, and steering west-south-west,stopped during the night at the island of Xulla or Zulla. At thirtymiles from thence the Spaniards anchored at Booro, (the Boero ofBougainville), where the ship was revictualled. They stopped 105miles further on, at Banda, where mace and nutmegs are found, thenat Solor, where a great trade in white sandal-wood is carried on.They spent a fortnight there to repair their ship, which hadsuffered much, and there they laid in an ample provision of wax andpepper; then they anchored at Timor, where they could only obtainprovisions by retaining by stratagem the chief of the village andhis son, who had come on board the ship. This island was frequentedby junks from Luzon, and by the "praos," from Malacca and Java,which traded largely there in sandal-wood and pepper. A littlefurther on the Spaniards touched at Java, where, as it appears,suttee was practised at this time, as it has been in India untilquite recently.

Among the stories which Pigafetta relates, without entirelybelieving them, is one which is most curious. It concerns a giganticbird the Epyornis, of which the bones and the enormous eggs werediscovered in Madagascar about the year 1850. It is an instanceproving the caution needed before rejecting as fictitious manyapparently fabulous legends, but which on examination may prove topossess a substratum of truth. "To the north of Greater Java," saysPigafetta, "in the gulf of China, there is a very large tree calledcampanganghi inhabited by certain birds called garula, which areso large and strong that they can bear away a buffalo and even anelephant, and carry it as they fly to the place where the treepuzathaer is." This legend has been current ever since the ninthcentury, among the Persians and Arabs, and this bird plays awonderful part in Arabian tales under the name of the roc. It isnot surprising, therefore, that Pigafetta found an analogoustradition among the Malays.

After leaving greater Java, the Victoria rounded the peninsula ofMalacca, which had been subjugated to Portugal by the greatAlbuquerque ten years before. In the immediate neighbourhood areSiam and Cambodia, and Tchiampa, where rhubarb grows. This substanceis discovered in the following manner. "A company of from twenty tofive-and-twenty men go into the wood, where they pass the night inthe trees, to protect themselves from lions (note here, that thereare no lions in this country), and other ferocious beasts, and alsothat they may better perceive the odour of the rhubarb, which thewind wafts towards them. In the morning they go towards the placewhence came the odour, and search there for the rhubarb until theyfind it. Rhubarb is the putrefied wood of a great tree, and acquiresits odour even from its putrefaction, the best part of the tree isthe root, nevertheless the trunk, which they call calama, has thesame medicinal virtue."

Decidedly it is not from Pigafetta that we should seek to acquirebotanical knowledge; we should run a great risk of deceivingourselves if we took in earnest the nonsense that the Moor told himfrom whom he drew his information. The Lombard traveller gives usalso fantastic details about China with the greatest seriousness,and falls into the grave errors, which his contemporary DuarteBarbosa had avoided. It is to the latter we owe the information thatthe trade in anfiam or opium has existed from this period. Whenonce the Victoria had left the shores of Malacca, Sebastian delCano took great care to avoid the coast of Zanguebar, where thePortuguese had been established since the beginning of the century.He kept to the open sea as far as 42° south latitude, and fornine weeks he was obliged to keep the sails furled, on account ofthe constant west and north-west winds, which ended in a fearfulstorm. To keep to this course required great perseverance on thepart of the captain, with a settled desire on his part to carry hisenterprise to a successful issue. The vessel had several leaks, anda number of the sailors demanded an anchorage at Mozambique, for theprovisions which were not salted having become bad, the crew hadonly rice and water for food and drink. At last on the 6th of May,the Cape of Tempests was doubled and a favourable issue to thevoyage might be hoped for. Nevertheless, many vexatious accidentsstill awaited the navigator. In two months, twenty-one men,Europeans and Indians, died from privations, and if on the 9th Julythey had not landed at Santiago, one of the Cape de Verd Islands,the whole crew would have died of hunger. As this archipelagobelonged to Portugal, the sailors took care to say that they camefrom America, and carefully concealed the route which they haddiscovered. But one of the sailors having had the imprudence to saythat the Victoria was the only vessel of Magellan's squadron whichhad returned to Europe, the Portuguese immediately seized the crewof a long-boat, and prepared to attack the Spanish vessel. However,Del Cano on board his vessel was watching all the movements of thePortuguese, and suspecting, by the preparations which he saw, thatthere was an intention of seizing the Victoria, he set sail,leaving thirteen men of his crew in the hands of the Portuguese.Maximilian Transylvain assigns a different motive from the one givenby Pigafetta, for the anchorage at the Cape de Verd Islands. Heasserts that the fatigued state of the crew, who were reduced byprivations, and who in spite of everything had not ceased to workthe pumps, had decided the captain to stop and buy some slaves toaid them in this work. Having no money the Spaniards would have paidwith some of their spices, which would have opened the eyes of thePortuguese.

"To see if our journals were correctly kept," says Pigafetta, "weinquired on shore what day of the week it was. They replied that itwas Thursday, which surprised us, because according to our journalsit was as yet only Wednesday. We could not be persuaded that we hadmade the mistake of a day; I was more astonished myself than theothers were, because having always been sufficiently well to keep myjournal, I had uninterruptedly marked the days of the week, and thecourse of the months. We learnt afterwards, that there was no errorin our calculation, for having always travelled towards the west,following the course of the sun, and having returned to the samepoint, we must have gained twenty-four hours upon those who hadremained stationary; one has only need of reflection to be convincedof this fact."

Sebastian del Cano rapidly made the coast of Africa, and on the 6thof September entered the Bay of San Lucar de Barrameda, with a crewof seventeen men, almost all of whom were ill. Two days later heanchored before the mole at Seville, after having accomplished acomplete circuit of the world.

As soon as he arrived, Sebastian del Cano went to Valladolid, wherethe court was, and received from Charles V. the welcome which wasmerited after so many difficulties had been courageously overcome.The bold mariner received permission to take as his armorialbearings, a globe with this motto, Primus circumdedisti me, and healso received a pension of 500 ducats.

The rich freight of the Victoria, decided the Emperor to send asecond fleet to the Moluccas. The supreme command of it was not,however, given to Sebastian del Cano; it was reserved for thecommander Garcia de Loaisa, whose only claim to it was his grandname. However, after the death of the chief of the expedition, whichhappened as soon as the fleet had passed the Strait of Magellan, DelCano found himself invested with the command, but he did not hold itlong, for he died six days afterwards. As for the ship Victoria,she was long preserved in the port of Seville, but in spite of allthe care that was taken of her, she at length fell to pieces fromold age.

CHAPTER III.

The Northmen—Eric the Red—The Zenos—John Cabot—Cortereal—SebastianCabot—Willoughby—Chancellor.

Pytheas had opened up the road to the north to the Scandinavians bydiscovering Iceland (the famous Thule) and the Cronian Ocean, ofwhich the mud, the shallow-water, and the ice render the navigationdangerous, and where the nights are as light as twilight. Thetraditions of the voyages undertaken by the ancients to the Orkneys,the Faröe Islands, and even to Iceland, were treasured up among theIrish monks, who were learned men, and themselves bold mariners, astheir successive establishments in these archipelagos clearly prove.They were also the pilots of the Northmen, a name given generally tothe Scandinavian pirates, both Danish and Norwegian, who renderedthemselves so formidable to the whole of Europe during the MiddleAges. But if all the information that we owe to the ancients, bothGreeks and Romans, with regard to these hyperborean countries beextremely vague and so to speak fabulous, it is not so with thatwhich concerns the adventurous enterprises of the "Men of theNorth." The Sagas, as the Icelandic and Danish songs are called, areextremely precise, and the numerous data which we owe to them aredaily confirmed by the archæological discoveries made in America,Greenland, Iceland, Norway, and Denmark. This is a source ofvaluable information which was long unknown and unexplored, and ofwhich we owe the revelation to the learned Dane, C. C. Rafn, who hasfurnished us with authentic facts of the greatest interest bearingon the pre-Columbian discovery of America.

Norway was poor and encumbered with population. Hence arose thenecessity for a permanent emigration, which should allow aconsiderable portion of the inhabitants to seek in more favouredregions the nourishment which a frozen soil denied them. When theyhad found some country rich enough to yield them an abundant spoil,they then returned to their own land, and set out the followingspring accompanied by all those who could be enticed either by thelove of lucre, the desire for an easy life, or by the thirst forstrife. Intrepid hunters and fishermen, accustomed to a dangerousnavigation between the continent and the mass of islands whichborder it and appear to defend it against the assaults of the ocean,and across the narrow, deep fiords, which seem as though they werecut into the soil itself by some gigantic sword, they set out inthose oak vessels, the sight of which made the people tremble wholived on the shores of the North Sea and British Channel. Sometimesdecked, these vessels, long or short, large or small, were usuallyterminated in front by a spur of enormous size, above which the prowsometimes rose to a great height, taking the form of an S. Thehällristningar, for so they call the graphic representations sooften met with on the rocks of Sweden and Norway, enable us topicture to ourselves these swift vessels, which could carry aconsiderable crew. Such was the Long-serpent of Olaf Tryggvason,which had thirty-two benches of rowers and held ninety men, Canute'svessel, which carried sixty, and the two vessels of Olaf the Saint,which carried sometimes 200 men. The Sea-kings, as they often calledthese adventurers, lived on the ocean, never settling on shore,passing from the pillage of a castle to the burning of an abbey,devastating the coasts of France, ascending rivers, especially theSeine, as far as Paris, sailing over the Mediterranean as far asConstantinople, establishing themselves later in Sicily, and leavingtraces of their incursions or their sojourn in all the regions ofthe known world.

Norman Ships.

Piracy, far from being, as at the present day, an act falling underthe ban of the law, was not only encouraged in that barbarous orhalf-civilized society, but was celebrated in the songs of theSkalds, who reserved their most enthusiastic eulogies forcelebrating chivalrous struggles, adventurous privateering, and allexhibitions of strength. From the eighth century, these formidablesea-rovers frequented the groups of the Orkney, the Hebrides, theShetland, and Faröe Islands, where they met with the Irish monks,who had settled themselves there nearly a century earlier, toinstruct the idolatrous population.

In 861 a Norwegian pirate, named Naddod, was carried by a stormtowards an island covered with snow, which he named Snoland (land ofsnow), a name changed later to that of Iceland (land of ice). Thereagain the Northmen found the Irish monks under the name of Papis, inthe cantons of Papeya and Papili.

Ingolf installed himself some years afterwards in the country, andfounded Reijkiavik. In 885 the triumph of Harold Haarfa*ger, who hadjust subjugated the whole of Norway by force of arms, brought aconsiderable number of malcontents to Iceland. They establishedthere the republican form of government, which had just beenoverthrown in their own country, and which subsisted till 1261, theepoch when Iceland passed under the dominion of the kings of Norway.

When established in Iceland, these bold fellows, lovers of adventureand of long hunts in pursuit of seals and walrus, retained theirwandering habits and pursued their bold plans in the west, whereonly three years after the arrival of Ingolf, Guunbjorn discoveredthe snowy peaks of the mountains of Greenland. Five years later,Eric the Red, banished from Iceland for murder, rediscovered theland in latitude 64° north, of which Guunbjorn had caught aglimpse. The sterility of this ice-bound coast made him decide toseek a milder climate with a more open country, and one producingmore game, in the south. So he rounded Cape Farewell at theextremity of Greenland, established himself on the west coast, andbuilt some vast dwellings for himself and his companions, of which M.Jorgensen has discovered the ruins. This country was worthy at thatperiod of the name of Green-Land (Groenland) which the Northmen gaveto it, but the annual and great increase of the glaciers, hasrendered it since that epoch a land of desolation.

Eric returned to Iceland to seek his friends, and in the same yearthat he returned to Brattahalida (for so he called his settlement),fourteen vessels laden with emigrants came to join him. It was averitable exodus. These events took place in the year 1000. Asquickly as the resources of the country allowed of it, thepopulation of Greenland increased, and in 1121, Gardar, the capitalof the country, became the seat of a bishopric, which existed untilafter the discovery of the Antilles by Christopher Columbus.

In 986 Bjarn Heriulfson, who had come from Norway to Iceland tospend the winter with his father, learnt that the latter had joinedEric the Red in Greenland. Without hesitation, the young man againput to sea, seeking at haphazard for a country of which he did noteven know the exact situation, and was cast by currents on coastswhich we think must have been those of New Scotland, Newfoundland,and Maine. He ended, however, by reaching Greenland, where Eric, thepowerful Norwegian jarl, reproached him for not having examinedwith more care countries of which he owed his knowledge to a happyaccident of the sea.

Eric had sent his son Leif to the Norwegian court, so close at thistime was the connexion between the metropolis and the colonies. Theking, who had been converted to Christianity, had just despatched amission to Iceland charged to overthrow the worship of Odin. Hecommitted to Leif's care some priests who were to instruct theGreenlanders; but scarcely had the young adventurer returned to hisown country, when he left the holy men to work out theaccomplishment of their difficult task and hearing of the discoverymade by Bjarn, he fitted out his vessels and went to seek for thelands which had been only imperfectly seen. He landed first on adesolate and stony plain, to which he gave the name of Helluland,and which we have no hesitation in recognizing as Newfoundland, andafterwards on a flat sandy shore behind which rose an immense screenof dark forests, cheered by the songs of innumerable birds. A thirdtime he put to sea and steering towards the south he arrived at theBay of Rhode Island, where the mild climate and the river teemingwith salmon induced him to settle, and where he constructed vastbuildings of planks, which he called Leifsbudir (Leif's house).Then he sent some of his companions to explore the country, and theyreturned with the good news that the wild vine grows in the country,to which it owes the name of Vinland. In the spring of the year1001, Leif, having laded his ship with skins, grapes, wood, andother productions of the country, set out for Greenland; he had madethe valuable observation that the shortest day in Vinland lastednine hours, which places the site of Leifsbudir at 41° 24'10". This fortunate voyage and the salvage of aNorwegian vessel carrying fifteen men, gained for Leif the surnameof the Fortunate.

This expedition made a great stir, and the account of the wonders ofthe country in which Leif had settled, induced his brother Thorvald,to set out with thirty men. After passing the winter at Leifsbudir,Thorvald explored the coasts to the south, returning in the autumnto Vinland, and in the following year 1004, he sailed along thecoast to the north of Leifsbudir. During this return voyage, theNorthmen met with the Esquimaux for the first time, and without anyprovocation, slaughtered them without mercy. The following nightthey found themselves all at once surrounded by a numerous flotillaof Kayacs, from which came a cloud of arrows. Thorvald alone, thechief of the expedition, was mortally wounded; he was buried by hiscompanions on a promontory, to which they gave the name of thepromontory of the Cross.

Now, in the Gulf of Boston in the eighteenth century, a tomb ofmasonry was discovered, in which, with the bones, was found asword-hilt of iron. The Indians not being acquainted with this metal,it could not be one of their skeletons; it was not either, theremains of one of the Europeans who had landed after the fifteenthcentury, for their swords had not this very characteristic form.This tomb has been thought to be that of a Scandinavian, and weventure to say, that of Thorvald, son of Eric the Red.

In the spring of 1007, three vessels carrying 160 men and somecattle, left Eriksfjord; the object in view was the foundation of apermanent colony. The emigrants after sighting Helluland, Markland,and Vinland, landed in an island, upon which they constructed somebarracks and began the work of cultivation. But they must eitherhave laid their plans badly, or have been wanting in foresight, forthe winter found them without provisions, and they suffered cruellyfrom hunger. They had, however, the good sense to regain thecontinent, where in comparative ease, they could await the end ofthe winter.

At the beginning of 1008, they set out to seek for Leifsbudir, andsettled themselves at Mount-Hope Bay, on the opposite shore to theold settlement of Leif. There, for the first time, some intercoursewas held with the natives, called Skrellings in the sagas, andwhom, from the manner in which they are portrayed, it is easy torecognize as Esquimaux. The first meeting was peaceable, and barterwas carried on with them until the day when the desire of theEsquimaux to acquire iron hatchets, always prudently refused them bythe Northmen, drove them to acts of aggression, which decided thenew-comers, after three years of residence, to return to their owncountry, which they did without leaving behind them any lastingtrace of their stay in the country.

It will be easily understood that we cannot give any detailedaccount of all the expeditions, which set out from Greenland, andsucceeded each other on the coasts of Labrador and the United States.Those of our readers who wish for circ*mstantial details, shouldrefer to M. Gabriel Gravier's interesting publication, the mostcomplete work on the subject, and from which we have borrowed allthat relates to the Norman expeditions.

The same year as Erik the Red landed in Greenland (983), a certainHari Marson, being driven out of the ordinary course by storms, wascast upon the shores of a country known by the name of "White man'sland," which extended according to Rafn from Chesapeake Bay toFlorida.

What is the meaning of this name "White man's land"? Had somecompatriots of Marson's already settled there? There is some reasonto suppose so even from the words used in the chronicle. We canunderstand how interesting it would be, to be able to determine thenationality of these first colonists. However, the Sagas have not asyet revealed all their secrets. There are probably, some of themstill unknown, and as those which have been successively discovered,have confirmed facts already admitted, there is every reason to hopethat our knowledge of Icelandic navigation may become more precise.

Another legend, of which great part is mere romance, but whichnevertheless, contains a foundation of truth, relates that a certainBjorn, who was obliged to quit Iceland in consequence of anunfortunate passion, took refuge in the countries beyond Vinland,where in 1027, he was found by some of his countrymen.

In 1051, during another expedition, an Icelandic woman was killed bysome Skrellings, and in 1867, a tomb was exhumed, bearing arunic inscription, and containing bones, and some articles of thetoilet, which are now preserved in the museum at Washington. Thisdiscovery was made at the exact spot indicated in the Saga whichrelated these events, and which was not itself discovered until 1863.

But the Northmen, established in Iceland and Greenland, were not theonly people who frequented the coast of America about the year 1000,which is proved by the name of "Great Ireland," which was given toWhite man's land. As the history of Madoc-op-Owen proves, the Irishand Welsh founded colonies there, regarding which we have but littleinformation, but vague and uncertain as it is, MM. d'Avezac andGaffarel agree in recognizing its probability.

Having now said a few words upon the travels and settlements of theNorthmen in Labrador, Vinland, and the more southern countries, wemust return to the north. The colonies first founded in theneighbourhood of Cape Farewell, had not been slow in stretchingalong the western coast, which at this period was infinitely lessdesolate than it is at the present day, as far as northern latitudes,which were not again reached until our own day. Thus at this timethey caught seals, walrus, and whales in the bay of Disco; therewere 190 towns counted then in Westerbygd and eighty-six inEsterbygd, while at the present day, there are far fewer Danishsettlements on these icy shores. These towns were probably onlyinconsiderable groups of those houses in stone and wood, of which somany ruins have been found from Cape Farewell, as far as Upernavikin about 72° 50'. At the same time numerous runicinscriptions, which have now been deciphered, have given a degree ofabsolute certainty to facts so long unknown. But how many of thesevestiges of the past still remain to be discovered! how many ofthese valuable evidences of the bravery and spirit of enterprise ofthe Scandinavian race are for ever buried under the glaciers!

The Glaciers of Greenland.

We have also obtained evidence that Christianity had been broughtinto America, and especially into Greenland. To this country,according to the instructions of Pope Gregory IV., there werepastoral visits made to strengthen the newly-converted Northmen inthe faith, and to evangelize the Esquimaux and the Indian tribes.Besides this, M. Riant in 1865, has proved incontrovertibly that theCrusades were preached in Greenland in the bishopric of Gardar, aswell as in the islands and neighbouring lands, and that up to 1418,Greenland paid to the Holy See tithes and St. Peter's pence, whichfor that year consisted of 2600 lbs. of walrus tusks.

The Norwegian colonies owe their downfall and ruin to variouscauses: to the very rapid extension of the glaciers,—Hayes hasproved that the glacier of Friar John moves at the rate of aboutthirty-three yards annually;—to the bad policy of the mothercountry, which prevented the recruiting of the colonies; to theblack plague, which decimated the population of Greenland from 1347to 1351; lastly, to the depredations of the pirates, who ravagedthese already enfeebled countries in 1418, and in whom some havethought they recognized certain inhabitants of the Orkney and FaröeIslands, of which we are now about to speak.

One of the companions of William the Conqueror, named Saint-Clair orSinclair, not thinking that the portion of the conquered countryallotted to him was proportioned to his merits, went to try his luckin Scotland, where he was not long in rising to fortune and honours.In the latter half of the fourteenth century, the Orkney Islandspassed into the hands of his descendants.

About 1390, a certain Nicolo Zeno, a member of one of the mostancient and noble Venetian families, who had fitted out a vessel athis own expense, to visit England and Flanders as a matter ofcuriosity, was wrecked in the archipelago of the Orkneys whither hehad been driven by a storm. He was about to be massacred by theinhabitants, when the Earl, Henry Sinclair took him under hisprotection. The history of this wreck, and the adventures anddiscoveries which followed it, published in the collection ofRamusio had been written by Antonio Zeno, says Clements Markham, thelearned geographer, in his "Threshold of the Unknown Region."Unfortunately one of his descendants named Nicolo Zeno, born in 1515,when a boy, not knowing the value of these papers, tore them up,"but some of the letters surviving, he was able from themsubsequently to compile the narrative as we now have it, and whichwas printed in Venice in 1558. There was also found in the palace anold map, rotten with age, illustrative of his voyages. Of this hemade a copy, unluckily supplying from his own reading of thenarrative what he thought was requisite for its illustration. Bydoing this in a blundering way, unaided by the geographicalknowledge which enables us to see where he goes astray, he threw thewhole of the geography which he derived from the narrative into themost lamentable confusion, while those parts of the map which arenot thus sophisticated, and which are consequently original, presentan accuracy far in advance by many generations of the geography evenof Nicolo Zeno's time, and confirm in a notable manner the site ofthe old Greenland colony. In these facts we have not only thesolution of all the discussions which have arisen on the subject,but the most indisputable proof of the authenticity of thenarrative; for it is clear that Nicolo Zeno, junior, could nothimself have been the ingenious concocter of a story thestraightforward truth of which he could thus ignorantly distort uponthe face of the map."

The name of Zichmni, in which writers of the present day, and chiefamong them Mr. H. Major, who has rescued these facts from the domainof fable, recognize the name of Sinclair—appears to be in fact onlyapplicable to this earl of the Orkneys.

At this time the seas of the north of Europe were infected byScandinavian pirates. Sinclair, who had recognized in Zeno a clevermariner, attached him to himself, and with him conquered the countryof Frisland, the haunt of pirates, who ravaged all the north ofScotland. In the maps at the end of the fifteenth and beginning ofthe sixteenth century this name is applied to the archipelago of theFaröe Islands, a reasonable indication, for Buache has recognized inthe present names of the harbours and islands of this archipelago aconsiderable number of those given by Zeno; finally the facts whichwe owe to the Venetian navigator about the waters,—abounding infish and dangerous from shallows,—which divide this archipelago,are still true at the present day.

Satisfied with his position, Zeno wrote to his brother Antonio tocome and join him. While Sinclair was conquering the Faröe Islands,the Norwegian pirates desolated the Shetland Islands, then calledEastland. Nicolo set sail to give them battle, but was himselfobliged to fly before their fleet, much more numerous than his own,and to take refuge on a small island on the coast of Iceland.

After wintering in this place Zeno must have landed the followingyear on the eastern coast of Greenland at 69° north latitude,in a place "where was a monastery of the order of preaching friars,and a church dedicated to St. Thomas. The cells were warmed by anatural spring of hot water, which the monks used to prepare theirfood and to bake their bread. The monks had also gardens coveredover in the winter season, and warmed by the same means, so thatthey were able to produce flowers, fruits, and herbs as well as ifthey had lived in a mild climate." There would seem to be someconfirmation of these narratives in the fact that between the years1828-1830 a captain of the Danish navy met with a population of 600individuals at 69° north latitude, of a purely European type.

But these adventurous travels in countries of which the climate wasso different from that of Venice, proved fatal to Zeno, who died ashort time after his return to Frisland.

An old sailor, who had returned with the Venetian, and who said hehad been for many long years a prisoner in the countries of theextreme west, gave to Sinclair such precise and tempting details ofthe fertility and extent of these regions, that the latter resolvedto attempt their conquest with Antonio Zeno who had rejoined hisbrother. But the inhabitants showed themselves everywhere so hostile,and opposed such resistance to the strangers landing, that Sinclairafter a long and dangerous voyage was obliged to return to Frisland.

These are all the details that have been left to us, and they makeus deeply regret the loss of those that Antonio should havefurnished in his letters to his father Carlo, on the subject of thecountries which Forster and Malto-Brun have thought may beidentified with Newfoundland.

Who knows, if in his voyage to England and during his wanderings asfar as Thule, Christopher Columbus may not have heard mentioned theancient expeditions of the Northmen and the Zeni, and if thisinformation may not have appeared to him a strange confirmation ofthe theories which he held, and of the ideas for whose realizationhe came to claim the protection of the King of England?

From the collection of facts which have been here briefly given, itfollows that America was known to Europeans and had been colonizedbefore the time of Columbus. But in consequence of variouscirc*mstances, and foremost among these must be placed the rarity ofcommunication between the people in the north of Europe and those inthe south, the discoveries made by the Northmen were only vaguelyknown in Spain and Portugal. Judging by appearances, we of thepresent day know much more on this subject than did thefellow-countrymen and contemporaries of Columbus. If the Genoesemariner had been informed of the existence of some rumours, heclassed them with the information he had collected in the Cape deVerd Islands and with his classical recollections of the famousIsland of Antilia and the Atlantides of Plato. From this information,which came from so many different sides, the certainty awoke withinhim that the east could be reached by the western route. However itmay be, his glory remains whole and entire; he is really thediscoverer of America, and not those who were carried thither inspite of themselves by chances of wind and storm, without theirhaving any intention of reaching the shores of Asia, whichChristopher Columbus would have done, had not the way been barred byAmerica.

The information that we are about to give on the family of Cortereal,although it may be much more complete than that which can be metwith in biographical Dictionaries, is still extremely vague.Nevertheless we must content ourselves with it, for up to this timehistory has not collected further details concerning this race ofintrepid navigators.

Joao Vaz Cortereal was the natural son of a gentleman named VascoAnnes da Costa, who had received the soubriquet of Cortereal fromthe King of Portugal, on account of the magnificence of his houseand followers. Devoted like so many other gentlemen of this periodto sea-faring adventure, Joao Vaz had carried off in Gallicia ayoung girl named Maria de Abarca, who became his wife. After havingbeen gentleman-usher to the Infante don Fernando, he was sent by theking to the North Atlantic, with Alvaro Martins Homem. The twonavigators saw an island known from this time by the name of Terrados Bacalhaos—the land of cod-fish—which must really have beenNewfoundland. The date of this discovery is approximately fixed bythe fact that on their return, they landed at Terceira and findingthe captainship vacant by the death of Jacome de Bruges, they wentto ask for it from the Infanta Doña Brites, the widow of the InfanteDon Fernando; she bestowed it upon them on condition that they woulddivide it between them, a fact which is confirmed by a deed of giftdated from Evora the 2nd of April, 1464. Though one cannot guaranteethe authenticity of this discovery of America, it is nevertheless anascertained fact that Cortereal's voyage must have been signalizedby some extraordinary event; donations of such importance as thiswere only made to those who had rendered some great service to thecrown.

When Vaz Cortereal was settled at Terceira from 1490 to 1497, hecaused a fine palace to be built in the town of Angra, where helived with his three children. His third son, Gaspard, after havingbeen in the service of King Emmanuel, when the latter was only Dukede Beja had felt himself attracted while still young to theenterprises of discovery which had rendered his father illustrious.By an act dated from Cintra the 12th of March, 1500, King Emmanuelmade a gift to Gaspard Cortereal of any islands or terra firmawhich he might discover, and the king added this valuableinformation, that "already and at other times he had sought for themon his own account and at his own expense."

For Gaspard Cortereal this was not his first essay. Probably, hisresearches may have been directed to the parts where his father haddiscovered the Island of Cod. At his own expense, although with theassistance of the king, Gaspard Cortereal fitted out two vessels atthe commencement of the summer of 1500, and after having touched atTerceira, he sailed towards the north-west. His first discovery wasof a land of which the fertile and verdant aspect seems to havecharmed him. This was Canada. He saw there a great river bearing icealong with it on its course—the St. Lawrence—which some of hiscompanions mistook for an arm of the sea, and to which he gave thename of Rio Nevado. "Its volume is so considerable that it is notprobable that this country is an island, besides, it must becompletely covered with a very thick coating of snow to produce sucha stream of water."

The houses in this country were of wood and covered with skins andfurs. The inhabitants were unacquainted with iron, but used swordsmade of sharpened stones, and their arrows were tipped withfish-bones or stones. Tall and well-made, their faces and bodieswere painted in different colours according to taste, they woregolden and copper bracelets, and dressed themselves in garments offur. Cortereal pursued his voyage and arrived at the Cape ofBacalhaos, "fishes which are found in such great quantities uponthis coast that they hinder the advance of the caravels." Then hefollowed the shore for a stretch of 600 miles, from 56° to 60°,or even more, naming the islands, the rivers, and the gulfsthat he met with, as is proved by Terra do Labrador, Bahia deConceiçao, &c., and landing and holding intercourse with thenatives. Severe cold, and a veritable river of gigantic blocks ofice prevented the expedition from going farther north, and itreturned to Portugal bringing back with it fifty-seven natives. Thevery year of his return, on the 15th of May, 1501, Gaspard Cortereal,in pursuance of an order of the 15th of April, received provisions,and left Lisbon in the hope of extending the field of hisdiscoveries. But from this time he is never again mentioned. MichaelCortereal, his brother, who was the first gentleman-usher to theking, then requested and obtained permission to go and seek hisbrother, and to pursue his enterprise. By an act of the 15th ofJanuary, 1502, a deed of gift conveyed to him the half of the terrafirma and islands which his brother might have discovered. Settingout on the 10th of May of this year with three vessels, MichaelCortereal reached Newfoundland, where he divided his little squadron,so that each of the vessels might explore the coasts separately,while he fixed the place of rendezvous. But at the time fixed, hedid not reappear, and the two other vessels, after waiting for himtill the 20th of August, set out on their return to Portugal.

In 1503, the king sent two caravels to try to obtain news of the twobrothers, but the search was in vain, and they returned withouthaving acquired any information. When Vasco Annes, the last of thebrothers Cortereal, who was captain and governor of the Islands ofSt. George and Terceira, and alcaide mõr of the town of Tavilla,became acquainted with these sad events, he resolved to fit out avessel at his own cost, and to go and search for his brothers. Theking, however, would not allow him to go, fearing to lose the lastof this race of good servants.

Upon the maps of this period, Canada is often indicated by the nameof Terra dos Cortereales, a name which is sometimes extended muchfurther south, embracing a great part of North America.

All that concerns John and Sebastian Cabot has been until recentlyshrouded by a mist which is not even now completely dissipated,notwithstanding the conscientious labours of Biddle the American in1831, and of our compatriot M. d'Avezac; as also those of Mr.Nicholls the Englishman, who taking advantage of the discoveriesmade among the English, Spanish, and Venetian archives, has built upan imposing monument, of which some parts, however, are open todiscussion. It is from the two last-named works that we shall drawthe materials for this rapid sketch, but principally from Mr.Nicholls' book, which has this advantage over the smaller volume ofM. d'Avezac, that it relates the whole life of Sebastian Cabot.

Sebastian Cabot. From an old print.

It has been found impossible to determine with certainty either thename or the nationality of John Cabot, and still less to settle theperiod of his birth. John Cabota, Caboto or Cabot must have beenborn, if not in Genoa itself, as M. d'Avezac asserts, at least inthe neighbourhood of that town, possibly at Castiglione, about thefirst quarter of the fifteenth century. Some historians haveconsidered that he was an Englishman, and perhaps Mr. Nicholls fromnational considerations is inclined to adopt this opinion; at leastthis seems to be the meaning of the expressions used by him. What wedo know without room for doubt, is that John Cabot came to London tooccupy himself with commerce, and that he soon settled at Bristol,then the second town in the kingdom, in one of the suburbs which hadreceived the name of Cathay, probably from the number of Venetianswho resided there, and the trade carried on by them with thecountries of the extreme East. It was at Bristol that Cabot's twoyoungest children were born, Sebastian and Sancho, if we may relyupon the following account given by the old chronicler Eden."Sebastian Cabot told me that he was born at Bristol, and that atfour years of age he went with his father to Venice, returning withhim to England some years later; this made people imagine that hewas born at Venice." In 1476, John Cabot was at Venice, and there onthe 29th of March, he received letters of naturalization, whichprove that he was not a native of this city, and that he must havemerited the honour by some service rendered to the Republic. M.d'Avezac is inclined to think that he devoted himself to the studyof cosmography and navigation, perhaps even in company with thecelebrated Florentine, Paul Toscanelli, with whose theories upon thedistribution of land and sea on the surface of the globe, he wouldcertainly be acquainted at this time. He may also have heard mentionmade of the islands situated in the Atlantic, and known by the namesof Antilia, the Land of the Seven Cities, or Brazil. What seems morecertain is, that his business affairs took him to the Levant, and,it is said, to Mecca, and that while there he would learn from whatcountry came the spices, which then constituted the most importantbranch of Venetian commerce.

Whatever value we may attach to these speculative theories, it is atleast certain that John Cabot founded an important mercantile houseat Bristol. His son Sebastian, who in these first voyages hadacquired an inclination for the sea, studied navigation, as far asit was then known, and made some excursions on the sea, to renderhimself as familiar with the practice of this art, as he already waswith its theory. "For seven years past," says the Spanish Ambassadorin a despatch of the 25th of July, 1498, speaking of an expeditioncommanded by Cabot, "the people of Bristol have fitted out two,three, or four caravels every year, to go in search of the Island ofBrazil, and of the Seven Cities, according to the ideas of theGenoese." At this time the whole of Europe resounded with the fameof the discoveries of Columbus. "It awoke in me," says SebastianCabot, in a narrative preserved by Ramusio, "a great desire and akind of ardour in my heart to do myself also something famous, andknowing by examining the globe, that if I sailed by the west wind Ishould reach India more rapidly, I at once made my project known toHis Majesty, who was much satisfied with it." The king to whom Cabotaddressed himself was the same Henry VII. who some years before hadrefused all support to Christopher Columbus. It is evident that hereceived with favour the project which John and Sebastian Cabot hadjust submitted to him; and though Sebastian, in the fragment whichwe have just quoted, attributes to himself alone all the honour ofthe project, it is not less true that his father was the promoter ofthe enterprise, as the following charter shows, which we translatein an abridged form.

"We Henry ... permit our well-beloved Jehan Cabot, citizen of Venice,and Louis, Sebastian, and Sancho, his sons, under our flag and withfive vessels of the tonnage and crew which they shall judge suitable,to discover at their own expense and charge ... we grant to them aswell as to their heirs and assigns, licence to occupy, possess ...at the charge of, by them, upon the profits, benefits, andadvantages, accruing from this navigation, to pay us in merchandiseor in money the fifth part of the profit thus obtained, for each oftheir voyages, every time that they shall return to the port ofBristol (at which port they shall be compelled to land).... Wepromise and guarantee to them, their heirs and assigns, that theyshall be exempt from all custom-house duties on the merchandisewhich they shall bring from the countries thus discovered.... Wecommand and direct all our subjects, as well on land as on the sea,to render assistance to the said Jehan, and to his sons.... Givenat ... the 5th day of March, 1495."

Such was the charter that was granted to John Cabot and his sonsupon their return from the American continent, and not as certainauthors have pretended, anterior to this voyage. From the time thatthe news of the discovery made by Columbus had reached England, thatis to say, probably in 1493, John and Sebastian Cabot prepared theexpedition at their own expense, and set out at the beginning of theyear 1494, with the idea of reaching Cathay, and finally the Indies.There can be no doubt upon this point, for in the BibliothèqueNationale in Paris is preserved an unique copy of the map engravedin 1544, that is to say, in the lifetime of Sebastian Cabot, whichmentions this voyage, and the precise and exact date of thediscovery of Cape Breton.

It is probable that we must attribute to the intrigues of theSpanish Ambassador, the delay which occurred in Cabot's expedition,for the whole of the year 1496 passed without the voyage beingaccomplished.

The following year he set out at the beginning of summer. Afterhaving again sighted the Terra Bona-vista, he followed the coast,and was not long in perceiving to his great disappointment that ittrended towards the north. "Then, sailing along it to make sure if Icould not find some passage, I could not perceive any, and havingadvanced as far as 56°, and seeing that at this point theland turned towards the east, I despaired of finding any passage,and I put about to examine the coast in this direction towards theequinoctial line, always with the same object of finding a passageto the Indies, and in the end, I reached the country now calledFlorida, where as provisions were beginning to run short, I resolvedto return to England." This narrative, of which we have given thecommencement above, was related by Cabot to Fracastor, forty orfifty years after the event. Also, is it not astonishing that Cabotmixes up in it two perfectly distinct voyages, that of 1494, andthat of 1497? Let us add some reflections on this narrative. Thefirst land seen was, without doubt, the North Cape, the northernextremity of the island of Cape Breton, and the island which isopposite to it is that of Prince Edward, long known by the name ofSt. John's Island. Cabot, probably penetrated into the estuary ofthe St. Lawrence, which he took for an arm of the sea, near to theplace where Quebec now stands, and coasted along the northern shoreof the gulf, so that he did not see the coast of Labrador stretchingaway in the east. He took Newfoundland for an archipelago, andcontinued his course to the south, not doubtless, as far as Floridaas he states himself, the time occupied by the voyage making itimpossible that he can have descended so low, but as far asChesapeake Bay. These were the countries which the Spaniardsafterwards called "Terra de Estevam Gomez."

On the 3rd of February, 1498, King Henry VII. signed at Westminstersome new letters patent. He empowered John Cabot or hisrepresentative,—being duly authorized—to take in English ports sixvessels of 200 tons' burden, and to procure all that should berequired for their equipment, at the same price as if it were forthe crown. He was allowed to take on board such master-mariners,pages, and other subjects as might of their own accord wish to go,and pass with him to the recently discovered land and islands. JohnCabot bore the expense of the equipment of two vessels, and threeothers were fitted out at the cost of the merchants of Bristol.

In all probability it was death—a sudden and unexpecteddeath—which prevented John Cabot from taking the command of thisexpedition. His son Sebastian then assumed the direction of thefleet, which carried 300 men and provisions for a year. After havingsighted land at 45°, Sebastian Cabot followed the coast asfar as 58°, perhaps even higher, but then it became so cold,and although it was the month of July, there was so much floatingice about, that, it would have been impossible to go furthernorthwards. The days were very long, and the nights excessivelylight, an interesting detail by which to fix the latitude reached,for we know that below the 60th parallel of latitude the longestdays are eighteen hours. These various reasons made Sebastian Cabotdecide to put about, and he touched at the Bacalhaos Islands, ofwhich the inhabitants, who were clothed in the skins of animals,were armed with bow and arrows, lance, javelin, and wooden sword.The navigators here caught a great number of cod-fish; they wereeven so numerous, says an old narrative, that they hindered shipsfrom advancing. After having sailed along the coast of America asfar as 38°, Cabot set out for England, where he arrived atthe beginning of autumn. This voyage had indeed a threefold object,that of discovery, commerce, and colonization, as is shown by thenumber of vessels which took part in it and the strength of thecrews. Nevertheless it does not appear that Cabot landed any one, orthat he made any attempts at forming a settlement, either inLabrador, or in Hudson's Bay—which he was destined to explore morecompletely in 1517, in the reign of Henry VIII.—or even to thesouth of the Bacalhaos, known by the general name of Newfoundland.At the close of this expedition, which was almost entirelyunproductive, we lose sight of Sebastian Cabot, if not completely,at least so as to be insufficiently informed about his deeds andvoyages until 1517. The traveller Hojeda, whose various enterpriseswe have related above, had left Spain in the month of May, 1499. Weknow that in this voyage he met with an Englishman at Caquibaco, onthe coast of America. Can this have been Cabot? Nothing has come tolight to enable us to settle this point; but we may believe thatCabot did not remain idle, and that he would be likely to undertakesome fresh expedition: what we do know is, that in spite of thesolemn engagements that he had made with Cabot, the King of Englandgranted certain privileges of trading in the countries which he haddiscovered, to the Portuguese and to the merchants of Bristol. Thisungenerous manner of recognizing his services wounded the navigator,and decided him to accept the offers which had been made to him ondifferent occasions, to enter the Spanish service. From the death ofVespucius, which happened in 1512, Cabot was the navigator held inmost renown. To attach him to himself, Ferdinand wrote on the 13thof September, 1512, to Lord Willoughby, commander in chief of thetroops which had been transported to Italy, to treat with theVenetian navigator.

Discoveries of John and Sebastian Cabot.

As soon as he arrived in Castille, Cabot received the rank ofcaptain, by an edict dated the 20th of October, 1512, with a salaryof 5000 maravédis. Seville was fixed upon for his residence, untilan opportunity might arise of turning his talents and experience toaccount. There was a plan on foot for his taking the command of avery important expedition, when Ferdinand the Catholic died, on the23rd of January, 1516. Cabot returned at once to England, havingprobably obtained leave of absence. Eden tells us that the followingyear Cabot was appointed with Sir Thomas Pert to the command of afleet which was to reach China by the north-west. On the 11th ofJune, he was in Hudson's Bay at 67½° of latitude; the seafree from ice spread itself out before him so far that he reckonedupon success in his enterprise, when the faintheartedness of hiscompanion, together with the cowardice and mutinous spirit of thecrews, who refused to go any further, obliged him to return toEngland. In his Theatrum orbis terrarum, Ortelius traces the shapeof Hudson's Bay as it really is; he even indicates at its northernextremity a strait leading northwards. How can the geographer haveattained to such exactness? "Who," says Mr. Nicholls, "can havegiven him the information set forth in his map, if not Cabot?"

On his return to England, Cabot found the country ravaged by ahorrible plague, which put a stop even to commercial transactions.Soon, either because the time of his leave had expired, or that hewished to escape from the pestilence, or that he was recalled toSpain, the Venetian navigator returned to that country. In 1518, onthe 5th of February, Cabot was made pilot-major, with a salary which,added to that which he already had, made a total of 125,000maravédis, say, 300 ducats. He did not actually exercise thefunctions of his office till Charles V. returned from England. Hisprincipal duty consisted in examining pilots, who were not allowedto go to the Indies until after having passed this examination.

This epoch was by no means favourable to great maritime expeditions.The struggle between France and Spain absorbed all the resourcesboth in men and money, of these two countries—Cabot too, who seemsto have adopted science for his fatherland, much more than anyparticular country, made some overtures to Contarini, the Ambassadorof Venice, to take service on board the fleets of the Republic; butwhen the favourable answer of the Council of Ten arrived, he hadother projects in his head, and did not carry his attempt anyfurther.

Cabot presides over a Conference of Cosmographers.

In the month of April, 1524, Cabot presided at a conference ofmariners and cosmographers, which met at Badajoz, to discuss thequestion whether the Moluccas belonged, according to the celebratedtreaty of Tordesillas, to Spain or Portugal. On the 31st of May, itwas decided that the Moluccas were within the Spanish waters, by 20°.Perhaps this resolution of the junta of which Cabot waspresident, and which again placed in the hands of Spain a great partof the spice trade, was not without its influence upon theresolutions of the council of the Indies. However this may be, inthe month of September of the same year Cabot was authorized to takethe command of three vessels of 100 tons, and a small caravel,carrying together 150 men, with the title of captain-general.

The declared aim of this voyage was to pass through the Strait ofMagellan, carefully to explore the western coast of America, and toreach the Moluccas, where they would take in on their return a cargoof spices. The month of August, 1525, had been fixed upon as thedate of departure, but the intrigues of Portugal succeeded indelaying it until April, 1526.

Different circ*mstances seem from this moment to have augured illfor the voyage. Cabot had only a nominal authority, and theassociation of merchants who had defrayed the expenses of theequipment not accepting him willingly as chief, had found means tooppose all the plans of the Venetian sailor. Thus it was that inplace of the man whom he had appointed as second in command, anotherwas imposed upon him, and that instructions destined to be unsealedwhen at sea were delivered to each captain. They contained thisabsurd arrangement, that in case of the death of the captain-general,eleven individuals were to succeed him each in his turn. Was notthis an encouragement given to assassination?

Scarcely was the fleet out of sight of land, when discontentappeared. The rumour spread that the captain-general was not equalto his task; then as they saw that these calumnies did not affecthim, they pretended that the flotilla was already short ofprovisions. The mutiny broke out as soon as land was reached, butCabot was not the man to allow himself to be annihilated by it; hehad suffered too much from Sir Thomas Pert's cowardice to bear suchan insult. In order to nip the evil in the bud, he had the mutinouscaptains seized, and notwithstanding their reputation and thebrilliancy of their past services, he made them get into a boat, andabandoned them on the shore. Four months afterwards they had thegood luck to be picked up by a Portuguese expedition, which seems tohave had orders to thwart the plans of Cabot.

The Venetian navigator then penetrated into the Rio de la Plata, theexploration of which had been commenced by his predecessor thePilot-major de Solis. The expedition was not then composed of morethan two vessels, one having been lost during the voyage. Cabotsailed up the Argent River, and discovered an island which he calledFrancis Gabriel, and upon which he built the fort of San Salvador,entrusting the command of it to Antonio de Grajeda. Cabot had thekeel removed from one of his caravels, and with it, being towed byhis small boats, entered the Parana, built a new fort at theconfluence of the Carcarama and Terceiro, and after having thussecured his line of retreat he pursued the course of these riversfarther into the interior. Arriving at the confluence of the Paranaand Paraguay, he followed the second, the direction of which agreedbest with his project of reaching the region of the west wheresilver was to be obtained. But it was not long before the aspect ofthe country changed, and the attitude of the inhabitants alteredalso. Until now, they had collected in crowds, astonished at thesight of the vessels; but upon the cultivated shores of the Paraguaythey courageously opposed the strangers' landing, and threeSpaniards having tried to knock down the fruit from a palm-tree, astruggle took place, in which 300 natives lost their lives. Thisvictory had disabled twenty-five Spaniards. It was too much forCabot, who rapidly removed his wounded to the fort San Spirito andretired, still presenting a bold front to the enemy.

Cabot had already sent two of his companions to the Emperor, toacquaint him with the attempt at revolt of the captains, to explainto him the motives which obliged him to modify the course marked outfor his voyage, and to request aid from him, both in men andprovisions. The answer arrived at last. The Emperor approved of whatCabot had done, and ordered him to colonize the country in which hehad just made a settlement, but did not send him either one man or asingle maravédi. Cabot tried to procure the resources which heneeded in the country, and caused some attempts at cultivation to becommenced. At the same time, to keep his troops in exercise, hereduced the neighbouring nations to obedience, had some forts built,and again sailing up the Paraguay he reached Potosi, and thewater-courses of the Andes which feed the basin of the Atlantic. Atlast he prepared to enter Peru, from whence came the gold and silverwhich he had seen in the possession of the natives; but it neededmore troops than he could muster, to attempt the conquest of thisvast region. The Emperor, however, was quite unable to send him any.His European wars absorbed all his resources, the Cortez refused tovote new subsidies and the Moluccas had just been pledged toPortugal. In this state of affairs, after having occupied thecountry for five years, and waited all this time for the assistancewhich never came, Cabot decided to evacuate a part of hissettlements, and he returned with some of his people to Spain. Therest, amounting to 120, men who were left to guard the fort of SanSpirito, after many vicissitudes which cannot be related here,perished by the hands of the Indians, or were obliged to take refugein the Portuguese settlements on the coast of Brazil. It is to thehorses imported by Cabot that is due the wonderful race of wildhorses which may be seen in large troops on the pampas of La Plataat the present day; this was the only result of the expedition.

Some time after his return to Spain, Cabot resigned his office, andwent to Bristol, where he settled about 1548, that is to say at thebeginning of the reign of Edward VI. What were the motives of thisfresh change? Was Cabot discontented at having been left to his ownresources during his expedition? Was he hurt at the manner in whichhis services were recompensed? It is impossible to say. But CharlesV. took advantage of Cabot's departure to deprive him of his pension,which Edward VI. hastened to replace, causing him to receive 250marks annually, about 116l. and a fraction, which was aconsiderable sum for that period.

The post which Cabot occupied in England seems to be best expressedby the name of Intendant of the Navy; under the authority of theking and council, he appears to have superintended all maritimeaffairs. He issues licences, he examines pilots, he framesinstructions, he draws maps, a varied and complicated function forwhich he possessed the rare gift of both practical and theoreticalknowledge. At the same time he instructed the young king incosmography, explained to him the variation of the compass, and wassuccessful in interesting him in nautical matters, and in the gloryresulting from maritime discoveries. It was a high and almost uniquesituation. Cabot used it to put into execution a project which hehad long cherished.

At this period, we may almost say there was no trade in England. Allcommerce was in the hands of the Hanseatic towns, Antwerp, Hamburg,Bremen, &c. These companies of merchants had, on various occasions,obtained considerable reductions in import duties, and had ended bymonopolizing the English trade. Cabot held that Englishmen possessedas good qualifications as these merchants for becoming manufacturers,and that the already powerful navy which England possessed mightassist marvellously in the export of the products of the soil and ofthe manufactures. What was the use of having recourse to strangerswhen people could do their own business? If they had been unable upto this time to reach Cathay and India by the north-west, might theynot endeavour to reach it by the north-east. And if they did notsucceed, would they not find in this direction more commercial, andmore civilized people than the miserable Esquimaux on the coast ofLabrador and Newfoundland?

Cabot assembled some leading London merchants, laid his projectsbefore them, and formed them into an association, of which on the14th of December, 1551, he was named president for life. At the sametime he exerted himself most vigorously with the king, and havingmade him understand the wrong which the monopoly enjoyed bystrangers did to his own subjects, he obtained its abolition on the23rd of February, 1551, and inaugurated the practice of free trade.

The Association of English Merchants, under the name of "MerchantAdventurers," hastened to have some vessels built, adapted to thedifficulties to be encountered in the navigation of the Arcticregions. The first improvement which the English marine owed toCabot was the sheathing of the keels, which he had seen done inSpain, but which had not hitherto been practised in England.

A flotilla of three vessels was assembled at Deptford. They were theBuona-Speranza, of which the command was given to Sir HughWilloughby, a brave gentleman who had earned a high reputation inwar; the Buona-Confidencia, Captain Cornil Durforth; and theBonaventure, Captain Richard Chancellor, a clever sailor, and aparticular friend of Cabot's; he received the title of pilot-major.The sailing-master of the Bonaventure was Stephen Burrough, anaccomplished mariner, who was destined to make numerous voyages inthe North seas, and later to become pilot in chief for England.

Although age and his important duties prevented Cabot from placinghimself at the head of the expedition, he wished at least, topreside over all the details of the equipment. He himself wrote outthe instructions, which have been preserved, and which prove theprudence and skill of this distinguished navigator. He thererecommends the use of the log-line, an instrument intended tomeasure the speed of the vessel, and he desires that the journal ofthe events happening at sea may be kept with regularity, and thatall information as to the character, manners, habits, and resourcesof the people visited, and the productions of the country, may berecorded in writing. The sailors were to offer no violence to thenatives, but to act towards them with courtesy. All blasphemy andswearing was to be punished with severity, and also drunkenness. Thereligious exercises are prescribed, prayers are to be said morningand evening, and the Holy Scriptures are to be read once in the day.Cabot ends by recommending union and concord above all, and remindsthe captains of the greatness of their enterprise, and the honourwhich they might hope to gain; finally he promises them to add hisprayers to theirs for the success of their common work.

The squadron set sail on the 20th of May, 1558, in presence of thecourt assembled at Greenwich, amid an immense concourse of people,after fêtes and rejoicings, at which the king, who was ill, couldnot be present. Near the Loffoden Islands, on the coast of Norway atthe bearing of Wardhous, the squadron was separated from theBonaventure. Carried away by the storm, Willoughby's two vesselstouched, without doubt, at Nova Zembla, and were forced by the iceto return southwards. On the 18th of September, they entered theport formed by the mouth of the River Arzina in East Lapland. Sometime afterwards, the Buona-Confidencia, separated from Willoughbyby a fresh tempest, returned to England. As to the latter, someRussian fishermen found his vessel the following year, in the midstof the ice. The whole crew had died of cold. This, at least, is whatwe are led to suppose from the journal kept by the unfortunateWilloughby up to the month of January, 1554.

Chancellor, after having waited in vain for his two consorts at therendezvous which had been agreed upon in case of separation, thoughtthey must have outsailed him, and rounding the North Cape, heentered a vast gulf which was none other than the White Sea; he thenlanded at the mouth of the Dwina, near the monastery of St. Nicholas,on the spot upon which the town of Archangel was soon to stand. Theinhabitants of these desolate places told him that the country wasunder the dominion of the Grand Duke of Russia. Chancellor resolvedat once to go to Moscow, in spite of the enormous distance whichseparated him from it. The Czar then on the throne was Ivan IV.Wassiliewitch, called the Terrible. For some time before this, theRussians had shaken off the Tartar yoke, and Ivan had united all thepetty rival principalities in one body politic, of which the powerwas already becoming considerable. The situation of Russia,exclusively continental, far from any frequented sea, isolated fromthe rest of Europe, of which it did not yet form part, so much wereits habits and manners still Asiatic, promised success to Chancellor.

Chancellor received by the Czar.

The Czar, who up to this time, had not been able to procure Europeanmerchandise, except by way of Poland, and who wished to gain accessto the German seas, saw with pleasure the attempts of the English toestablish a trade which would be beneficial to both parties. He notonly received Chancellor courteously, but he made him mostadvantageous offers, granted him great privileges and encouraged him,by the kindness of his reception, to repeat his voyage. Chancellorsold his merchandise to great advantage, and after taking on boardanother cargo of furs, of seal and whale oils, copper, and otherproducts, returned to England, carrying a letter from the Czar. Theadvantages which the Company of Merchant Adventurers had derivedfrom this first voyage, encouraged them to attempt a second. SoChancellor the following year, made a fresh voyage to Archangel, andtook two of the Company's agents to Russia, who concluded anadvantageous treaty with the Czar. Then he set out again for Englandwith an ambassador and his suite, sent by Ivan to Great Britain. Ofthe four vessels which composed the flotilla, one was lost on thecoast of Norway, another as it left Drontheim, and the Bonaventure,on board of which were Chancellor and the ambassador, foundered inthe Bay of Pitsligo, on the east coast of Scotland on the 10th ofNovember, 1556. Chancellor was drowned in the wreck, being lessfortunate than the Muscovite ambassador, who had the good luck toescape; but the presents and merchandise which he was carrying toEngland were lost.

Wreck of the Bonaventure.

Such was the commencement of the Anglo-Russian Company. A goodlynumber of expeditions succeeded each other in those parts, but itwould be beside our purpose to give an account of them. Let us nowreturn to Cabot.

It was in 1554 that Queen Mary of England was married to Philip II.,King of Spain. When the latter came to England he showed himselfvery ill-disposed towards Cabot, who had abandoned the service ofSpain, and who, at this very moment was procuring for England acommerce which would soon immensely increase the maritime power ofan already formidable country. Thus we are not surprised to learnthat eight days after the landing of the King of Spain, Cabot wasforced to resign his office and his pension, both of which had beenbestowed upon him for life by Edward VI. Worthington was nominatedin his place. Mr. Nicholls thinks that this dishonourable man, whohad had some quarrels with the law, had a secret mission to seizeamong Cabot's plans, maps, instructions, and projects, those whichcould be of use to Spain. The fact is that all these documents arenow lost, at least unless they may yet be discovered among thearchives of Simancas.

At the end of this period, history completely loses sight of the oldmariner. The same mystery which hangs over his birth, also envelopesthe place and date of his death. His immense discoveries, hiscosmographical works, his study of the variations of the magneticneedle, his wisdom, his humane disposition, and his honourableconduct, place Sebastian Cabot in the foremost rank amongdiscoverers. A figure lost in the shadow and vagueness of legendsuntil our own day, Cabot owes it to his biographers, to Biddle,D'Avezac, and Nicholls, that he is now better known, more highlyappreciated, and for the first time really placed in the light.

John Verrazzano—Jacques Cartier and his three voyages to Canada—Thetown of Hochelaga—Tobacco—The scurvy—Voyage of Roberval—MartinFrobisher and his voyages—John Davis—Barentz andHeemskerke—Spitzbergen—Winter season at Nova Zembla—Return toEurope—Relics of the Expedition.

From 1492 to 1524, France had stood aloof, officially at least, fromenterprises of discovery and colonization. But Francis I. could notlook on quietly while the power of his rival Charles V. received alarge addition by the conquest of Mexico. He therefore ordered JohnVerrazzano, a Venetian who was in his service, to make a voyage ofexploration. We will pause here for a short time, although thevarious places may have already been visited on several occasions,because for the first time the banner of France floats over theshores of the New World. This exploration besides, was to preparethe way for those of Jacques Cartier and of Champlain in Canada, aswell as for the unlucky experiments in colonization of Jean Ribaut,and of Laudonnière, the sanguinary voyage of reprisals of Gourgues,and Villegagnon's attempt at a settlement in Brazil.

We possess no biographical details with regard to Verrazzano. Underwhat circ*mstances did he enter the service of France? What was histitle to the command of such an expedition? Nothing is known of theVenetian traveller, for all we possess of his writings is theItalian translation of his report to Francis I. published in thecollection of Ramusio. The French translation of this Italiantranslation exists in an abridged form in Lescarbot's work on NewFrance and in the Histoire des Voyages. For our very rapid epitomewe shall make use of the Italian text of Ramusio, except in somepassages where Lescarbot's translation has appeared to give an ideaof the rich, original, and marvellously modulated language of thesixteenth century.

Having set out with four vessels to make discoveries in the ocean,says Verrazzano in a letter written from Dieppe to Francis I. on the8th July, 1524, he was forced by a storm to take refuge in Brittanywith two of his vessels, the Dauphine and the Normande, there torepair damages. Thence he set sail for the coast of Spain, where heseems to have given chase to some Spanish vessels. We see him leavewith the Dauphine alone on the 17th of January, 1524, a smallinhabited island in the neighbourhood of Madeira, and launch himselfupon the ocean with a crew of fifty men, well furnished withprovisions and ammunition for an eight months' voyage.

Twenty-five days later he has made 1500 miles to the west, when heis assailed by a fearful storm; and twenty-five days afterwards,that is to say on the 8th or 9th of March, having made about 1200miles, he discovers land at 30° north latitude, which hethought had never been previously explored. "When we arrived, itseemed to us to be very low, but on approaching within a quarter ofa league we saw by the great fires which were lighted along theharbours and borders of the sea, that it was inhabited, and intaking trouble to find a harbour in which to land and makeacquaintance with the country, we sailed more than 150 miles in vain,so that seeing the coast trended ever southwards, we decided to turnback again." The Frenchmen finding a favourable landing-place,perceived a number of natives who came towards them, but who fledaway when they saw them land. Soon recalled by the friendly signsand demonstrations of the French, they showed great surprise attheir clothes, their faces, and the whiteness of their skin. Thenatives were entirely naked, except that the middle of the body wascovered with sable-skins, hung from a narrow girdle of prettilywoven grasses, and ornamented with tails of other animals, whichfell to their knees. Some wore crowns of birds' feathers. "They havebrown skins," says the narrative, "and are exactly like theSaracens; their hair is black, not very long, and tied at the backof the head in the form of a small tail. Their limbs are wellproportioned, they are of middle height, although a little tallerthan ourselves, and have no other defect beyond their faces beingrather broad; they are not strong, but they are agile, and some ofthe greatest and quickest runners in the world." It was impossiblefor Verrazzano to collect any details about the manners and mode oflife of these people, on account of the short time that he remainedamong them. The shore at this place was composed of fine sandinterspersed here and there with little sandy hillocks, behind whichwere scattered "groves and very thick forests which were wonderfullypleasant to look upon." There were in this country, as far as wecould judge, abundance of stags, fallow deer and hares, numerouslakes, and streams of sparkling water, as well as a quantity ofbirds.

This land lies at 34°. It is therefore the part of the UnitedStates which now goes by the name of Carolina. The air there is pureand salubrious, the climate temperate, the sea is entirely withoutrocks, and in spite of the want of harbours it is not unfavourablefor navigators.

During the whole month of March the French sailed along the coast,which seemed to them to be inhabited by a numerous population. Thewant of water forced them to land several times, and they perceivedthat the savages were most pleased with mirrors, bells, knives, andsheets of paper. One day they sent a long-boat ashore withtwenty-five men in it. A young sailor jumped into the water "becausehe could not land on account of the waves and currents, in order togive some small articles to these people, and having thrown them tothem from a distance because he was distrustful of the natives, hewas cast violently on shore by the waves. The Indians seeing him inthis condition, take him and carry him far away from the sea, to thegreat dismay of the poor sailor, who expected they were about tosacrifice him. Having placed him at the foot of a little hill, inthe full blaze of the sun, they stripped him quite naked andwondered at the whiteness of his skin; then lighting a large firethey made him come to it and recover his strength, and it was thenthat the poor young man as well as those who were in the boat,thought that the Indians were about to massacre and immolate him,roasting his flesh in this large brazier and then eating theirvictim, as do the cannibals. But it happened quite differently; forhaving shown a desire to return to the boat they reconducted him tothe edge of the sea, and having kissed him very lovingly, theyretired to a hill to see him re-enter the boat."

Continuing to follow the shore northwards for more than 150 miles,the Frenchmen reached a land which seemed to them more beautiful,being covered with thick woods. Into these forests, twenty menpenetrated for more than six miles and only returned to the shorefrom the fear of losing themselves. In this walk, having met twowomen, one young and the other old, with some children, they seizedone of the latter who might be about eight years old, with the ideaof taking him away to France; but they could not do the same withthe young woman, who began to cry with all her might, calling foraid from her compatriots, who were hidden in the wood. In this placethe savages were whiter than any of those hitherto met with; theysnared birds and used a bow of very hard wood, and arrows tippedwith fish-bones. Their canoes, twenty feet long and four feet wide,were hollowed by fire out of a trunk of a tree. Wild vines aboundedand climbed over the trees in long festoons as they do in Lombardy.With a little cultivation they would no doubt produce excellentwine—"for the fruit is sweet and pleasant like ours, and we thoughtthat the natives were not insensible to it, for in all directionswhere these vines grew, they had taken care to cut away the branchesof the surrounding trees so that the fruit might ripen." Wild roses,lilies, violets, and all kinds of odoriferous plants and flowers,new to the Europeans, carpeted the ground everywhere, and filled theair with sweet perfumes.

Canadian Landscape.

After remaining for three days in this enchanting place, theFrenchmen continued to follow the coast northwards, sailing by dayand casting anchor at night. As the land trended towards the east,they went 150 miles further in that direction, and discovered anisland of triangular shape about thirty miles distant from thecontinent, similar in size to the Island of Rhodes, and upon whichthey bestowed the name of the mother of Francis I., Louisa of Savoy.Then they reached another island forty-five miles off, whichpossessed a magnificent harbour and of which the inhabitants came incrowds to visit the strange vessels. Two kings, especially, were offine stature and great beauty. They were dressed in deer-skins, withthe head bare, the hair carried back and tied in a tuft, and theywore on the neck a large chain ornamented with coloured stones. Thiswas the most remarkable nation which they had until now met with."The women are graceful," says the narrative published by Ramusio."Some wore the skins of the lynx on their arms; their head wasornamented with their plaited hair and long plaits hung down on bothsides of the chest; others had headdresses which recalled those ofthe Egyptian and Syrian women; only the elderly women, and those whowere married, wore pendants in their ears of worked copper." Thisland is situated on the same parallel as Rome, in 41° 40',but its climate is much colder.

Two Canadian Kings.

On the 5th of May, Verrazzano left this port and sailed along thesea-shore for 450 miles. At last he reached a country of which theinhabitants resembled but little any of those whom he had hithertomet with. They were so wild that it was impossible to carry on anytrade with them, or any sustained intercourse. What they appeared toesteem above everything else were fish-hooks, knives, and allarticles in metal, attaching no value to all the trifling baubleswhich up to this time had served for barter. Twenty-five armed menlanded and advanced from four to six miles into the interior of thecountry. They were received by the natives with flights of arrows,after which the latter retired into the immense forests whichappeared to cover the whole country.

One hundred and fifty miles further on spreads out a vastarchipelago composed of thirty-two islands, all near the land,separated by narrow canals, which reminded the Venetian navigator ofthe archipelagos which in the Adriatic border the coasts ofSclavonia and Dalmatia. At length, 450 miles further on, in latitude50°, the French came to lands which had been previouslydiscovered by the Bretons. Finding themselves then short ofprovisions, and having reconnoitred the coast of America for adistance of 2100 miles, they returned to France, and disembarkedsafely at Dieppe in the month of July, 1524.

Some historians relate that Verrazzano was made prisoner by thesavages who inhabit the coast of Labrador, and was eaten by them. Afact which is simply impossible, since he addressed from Dieppe toFrancis I. the account of his voyage which we have just abridged.Besides, the Indians of these regions were not anthropophagi.Certain authors, but we have not been able to discover on theauthority of what documents, nor under what circ*mstances thishappened, relate that Verrazzano having fallen into the power of theSpaniards, had been taken to Spain and there hanged. It is wiser toadmit that we know nothing certain about Verrazzano, and that we aretotally ignorant what rewards his long voyage procured for him.Perhaps when some learned man shall have looked through our archives(of which the abstract and inventory are far from being finished),he may recover some new documents; but for the present we mustconfine ourselves to the narrative of Ramusio.

Jacques Cartier. From an old print.

Ten years later a captain of St. Malo, named Jacques Cartier, bornon the 21st of December, 1484, conceived the project of establishinga colony in the northern part of America. Being favourably receivedby Admiral Philippe de Chabot, and by Francis I., who asked to seethe clause in Adam's will which disinherited him of the New World infavour of the kings of Spain and Portugal, Cartier left St. Malowith two vessels on the 20th of April, 1534. The vessel whichcarried him weighed only sixty tons and carried a crew of sixty-onemen. At the end of only twenty days, so favourable was the voyage,Cartier discovered Newfoundland at Cape Bonavista. He then wentnorthwards as far as Bird Island, which he found surrounded by ice,all broken up and melting, but on which he was able, nevertheless,to lay in a stock of five or six tons of guillemots, puffins, andpenguins, without reckoning those which were eaten fresh. He thenexplored all the coast of the island, which at this time bore anumber of Breton names, thus proving the assiduous manner in whichthe French frequented these shores. Then penetrating into the Straitof Belle-Isle, which separates the continent from the Island ofNewfoundland, Cartier arrived at the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Along thewhole of this coast the harbours are excellent: "If the land onlycorresponded to the goodness of the harbours," says the St. Malosailor, "it would be a great blessing; but one ought not to call itland; it is rather pebbles and savage rocks and places fit forwild beasts: as for all the land towards the north, I never saw asmuch earth there as would fill a tumbrel." After having coastedalong the continent, Cartier was cast by a tempest upon the westcoast of Newfoundland, where he explored Cape Royal and Cape Milk,the Columba Islands, Cape St. John, the Magdalen Islands, and theBay of Miramichi on the continent. In this place he had someintercourse with the savages, who showed "a great and marvellouseagerness in the acquisition of iron tools and other things, alwaysdancing and performing various ceremonies, among others throwingsea-water on their heads with their hands; so well did they receiveus that they gave us all that they had, keeping back nothing." Thenext day the number of the savages was even greater, and our Frenchsailors made an ample harvest of furs and skins of animals.

After having explored the Bay of Chaleurs, Cartier arrived at theentrance of the estuary of the St. Lawrence, where he saw somenatives, who possessed neither the appearance nor the language ofthe first. "The latter may truly be called savages, for no poorerpeople can be found in the world, and I think that all put together,excepting their boats and their nets, they could not have had thevalue of two pence half-penny. They have the head entirely shaved,with the exception of a lock of hair on the very top, which theyallow to grow as long as a horse's tail, and which they fasten uponthe head with some small copper needles. Their only dwelling isunderneath their boats, which they overturn and then stretchthemselves on the ground beneath them without any covering."

After having planted a large cross in this place, Jacques Cartierobtained the chief's permission to take away with him two of hischildren, whom he was to bring back again on his next voyage. Thenhe set out again for France, and landed at St. Malo on the 5th ofSeptember, 1534.

The following year, on the 19th of May, Cartier left St. Malo at thehead of a fleet composed of three vessels called the Grande andthe Petite Hermine and the Emerillon on board of which somegentlemen of high rank had taken passages, among whom may be namedCharles de la Pommeraye, and Claude de Pont-Briant, son of the Sieurde Moncevelles and cup-bearer to the Dauphin.

Very soon the squadron was dispersed by the storm, and could not bebrought together again until it reached Newfoundland. After havinglanded at Bird Island, in Whitesand harbour, which is in Castle Bay,Cartier penetrated into the Bay of St. Lawrence. He discovered therethe Island of Natiscotec which we call Anticosti, and entered agreat river called Hochelaga, which leads to Canada. On the banks ofthis river lies the country called Saguenay, whence comes the redcopper, to which the two savages whom he had taken on his firstvoyage gave the name of caquetdazé. But before entering the St.Lawrence, Cartier wished to explore the whole gulf, to see if nopassage existed to the north. He afterwards returned to the Bay ofthe Seven Islands, went up the river, and soon reached the riverSaguenay, which falls into the St. Lawrence on its northern bank. Alittle further on, after passing by fourteen islands, he entered theCanadian territories, which no traveller before him had ever visited.

"The next day the lord of Canada, called Donnacona, with twelveboats and accompanied by sixteen men, approached the ships. Whenabreast of the smallest of our vessels he began to make a palaver orpreachment in their fashion, while moving his body and limbs in amarvellous manner, which is a sign of joy and confidence, and whenhe arrived at the flag-ship where were the two Indians who had beenbrought back from France, the said chief spoke to them and they tohim. And they began to relate to him what they had seen in Franceand the good treatment which they had received, at which the saidchief was very joyful, and begged the captain to give him his armsthat he might kiss and embrace them, which is their mode of welcomein this country. The country of Stadaconé, or St. Charles, isfertile and full of very fine trees of the same nature and kind asin France, such as oaks, elms, plum-trees, yews, cedars, vines,hawthorns—which bear fruit as large as damsons—and other trees;beneath them grows hemp as good as that of France." Cartiersucceeded afterwards in reaching with his boats and his galleon aplace which is the Richelieu of the present day, next, a great lakeformed by the river—St. Peter's Lake—and at last he arrived atHochelaga or Montreal, which is 630 miles from the mouth of the St.Lawrence. In this place are "ploughed lands and large and beautifulplains full of the corn of the country, which is like the millet ofBrazil, as large or larger than peas, on which they live as we do onwheat. And among these plains is placed and seated the said town ofHochelaga near to and joining on to some high ground which is aroundthe town; and which is well cultivated and quite small; from the topof it one can see very far. We named this mountain the MountRoyal."

The welcome given to Jacques Cartier could not have been morecordial. The chief or Agouhanna, who was crippled in all his limbs,begged the captain to touch them, as if he had asked him for a cure.Then the blind, and those who were blind in one eye, the lame, andthe impotent came and sat down near Jacques Cartier, that he mighttouch them, so thoroughly were they persuaded that he was a goddescended to heal them. "The said captain, seeing the faith andpiety of this people, recited the Gospel of St. John, namely: Inprincipio, making the sign of the cross over the poor sick people,praying GOD that he would give them the knowledge of our holy faithand grace to accept Christianity and baptism. Then the said captaintook a book of Hours and read aloud the Passion of our Saviour, sowell that all those present could hear it, all the poor people beingquite silent, looking up to heaven and using the same ceremonies asthey saw us use." After making themselves acquainted with thecountry, which could be seen for ninety miles around from the top ofMount Royal, and having collected some information about thewater-falls and rapids of the St. Lawrence, Jacques Cartier returnedtowards Canada, where he did not delay to rejoin his ships. We oweto him the first information on tobacco for smoking, which does notseem to have been in use throughout the whole extent of the NewWorld. "They have a herb," he says, "of which they collect greatquantities during the summer for the winter; they esteem it highly,and the men alone use it in the following manner: they dry it in thesun and carry it on their necks in a small skin of an animal in theshape of a bag, with a horn of stone or of wood, then constantlythey make the said herb into powder, and put it into one of the endsof the said horn; they then place a live coal upon it and blowthrough the other end, and so fill their body with smoke that itissues from the mouth and nostrils, as if from the shaft of achimney. We have tried the said smoke, but after having put it intoour mouths, it seemed as if there were ground pepper in them, so hotis it." In the month of December the inhabitants of Stadaconé wereattacked by an infectious disease which proved to be the scurvy."This malady spread so rapidly in our vessels that by the middle ofFebruary out of our 110 men there were but ten in good health."Neither prayers, nor orisons, nor vows to our Lady of Roquamadourbrought any relief. Twenty-five Frenchmen perished up to the 18th ofApril, and there were not four amongst them who were not attacked bythe malady. But at this time a savage chief informed Jacques Cartierthat a decoction of the leaves and sap of a certain tree, probablyeither the Canadian fir-tree or the barberry, was very salutary. Assoon as two or three had experienced its beneficial effects "therewas a crowding as if they would have killed each other to be thefirst to get the medicine; and one of the tallest and largest treesI ever saw was used in less than eight days, which had such aneffect that if all the doctors of Louvain and Montpellier had beenthere with all the drugs of Alexandria, they had not done as much ina year as the said tree accomplished in eight days."

Some time after, Cartier, having noticed that Donnacona was tryingto excite sedition against the French, caused him to be seized, aswell as nine other savages, that he might take them to France, wherethey died. He set sail from the harbour of St. Croix on the 6th ofMay, descended the St. Lawrence, and after a voyage which was notmarked by any incident, he landed at St. Malo on the 16th of July,1536.

Francis I., in consequence of the report of this voyage which the St.Malo captain made to him, resolved to take effective possession ofthe country. After having appointed François de la Roque, Sieur deRoberval, viceroy of Canada, he caused five vessels to be fitted out,which being laden with provisions and ammunition for two years, wereto transport Roberval and a certain number of soldiers, artizans,and gentlemen to the new colony, which they were about to establish.The five vessels set sail on the 23rd of May, 1541. They met withsuch contrary winds that it took them three months to reachNewfoundland. Cartier did not arrive at the harbour of St. Croixtill the 23rd of August. As soon as he had landed his provisions, hesent back two of his vessels to France with letters for the king,telling him what had been done, also that the Sieur de Roberval hadnot yet appeared, and that they did not know what had happened tohim. Then he had works commenced to clear the land, to build a fort,and to lay the first foundations of the town of Quebec. He next setout for Hochelaga, taking with him Martin de Paimpont and othergentlemen, and went to examine the three waterfalls of Sainte Marie,La Chine, and St. Louis; on his return to St. Croix, he foundRoberval had just arrived. Cartier returned to St. Malo in the monthof October, 1542, where, probably ten years later, he died. As tothe new colony, Roberval having perished in a second voyage, itvegetated, and was nothing more than a factory until 1608, the dateof the foundation of Quebec by M. de Champlain, of whom we shallrelate the services and discoveries a little further on.

We have just seen how Cartier, who had set out first to seek for thenorth-west passage, had been led to take possession of the countryand to lay the foundations of the colony of Canada. In England asimilar movement had begun, set on foot by the writings of SirHumphrey Gilbert and of Richard Wills. They ended by carrying publicopinion with them, and demonstrating that it was not more difficultto find this passage than it had been to discover the Strait ofMagellan. One of the most ardent partizans of this search was a boldsailor, called Martin Frobisher, who after having many times appliedto rich ship-owners, at last found in Ambrose Dudley, Earl ofWarwick, the favourite of Queen Elizabeth, a patron, whose pecuniaryhelp enabled him to equip a pinnace and two poor barks of fromtwenty to twenty-five tons' burden. It was with means thus feeble,that the intrepid navigator went to encounter the ice in localitieswhich had never been visited since the time of the Northmen. Settingout from Deptford on the 8th of June, 1576, he sighted the south ofGreenland, which he took for the Frisland of Zeno. Soon stopped bythe ice, he was obliged to return to Labrador without being able toland there, and he entered Hudson's Straits. After having coastedalong Savage and Resolution Islands, he entered a strait which hasreceived his name, but which is also called by some geographers,Lunley's inlet. He landed at Cumberland, took possession of thecountry in the name of Queen Elizabeth, and entered into somerelations with the natives. The cold increased rapidly, and he wasobliged to return to England. Frobisher only brought back somerather vague scientific and geographical details about the countrieswhich he had visited; he received, however, a most flatteringwelcome when he showed a heavy black stone in which a little goldwas found. At once all imaginations were on fire. Several lords andthe Queen herself contributed to the expense of a new armament,consisting of a vessel of 200 tons, with a crew of 100 men, and twosmaller barks, which carried six months' provision both for war andfor nourishment. Frobisher had some experienced sailors—Fenton,York, George Best, and C. Hall, under his command. On the 31st ofMay, 1577, the expedition set sail, and soon sighted Greenland, ofwhich the mountains were covered with snow, and the shores defendedby a rampart of ice. The weather was bad. Exceedingly densefogs,—as thick as pease-soup, said the English sailors,—islands ofice a mile and a half in circumferance, floating mountains whichwere sunk seventy or eighty fathoms in the sea, such were theobstacles which prevented Frobisher from reaching before the 9th ofAugust, the strait which he had discovered during his previouscampaign. The English took possession of the country, and pursuedboth upon land and sea some poor Esquimaux, who, wounded "in thisencounter, jumped in despair from the top of the rocks into thesea," says Forster in his Voyages in the North, "which would nothave happened if they had shown themselves more submissive, or if wecould have made them understand that we were not their enemies." Agreat quantity of stones similar to that which had been brought toEngland were soon discovered. They were of gold marcasite, and 200tons of this substance was soon collected. In their delight, theEnglish sailors set up a memorial column on a peak to which theygave the name of Warwick Mount, and performed solemn acts ofthanksgiving. Frobisher afterwards went ninety miles further on inthe same strait, as far as a small island, which received the nameof Smith's Island. There the English found two women, of whom theytook one with her child, but left the other on account of herextreme ugliness. Suspecting, so much did superstition and ignoranceflourish at this time, that this woman had cloven feet, they madeher take the coverings off her feet, to satisfy themselves that theyreally were made like their own. Frobisher, now perceiving that thecold was increasing, and wishing to place the treasures which hethought he had collected, in a place of safety, resolved to give upfor the present any farther search for the north-west passage. Hethen set sail for England, where he arrived at the end of September,after weathering a storm which dispersed his fleet. The man, woman,and child who had been carried off were presented to the Queen. Itis said with regard to them, that the man, seeing at BristolFrobisher's trumpeter on horseback wished to imitate him, andmounted with his face turned towards the tail of the animal. Thesesavages were the objects of much curiosity, and obtained permissionfrom the Queen to shoot all kinds of birds, even swans, on theThames, a thing which was forbidden to every one else under the mostsevere penalties. They did not long survive, and died before thechild was fifteen months old.

People were not slow in discovering that the stones brought back byFrobisher really contained gold. The nation, but above all thehigher classes, were immediately seized with a fever bordering ondelirium. They had found a Peru, an Eldorado. Queen Elizabeth, inspite of her practical good sense, yielded to the current. Sheresolved to build a fort in the newly discovered country, to whichshe gave the name of Meta incognita, (unknown boundary) and toleave there, with 100 men as garrison, under the command of CaptainsFenton, Best, and Philpot, three vessels which should take in acargo of the auriferous stones. These 100 men were carefully chosen;there were bakers, carpenters, masons, gold-refiners, and othersbelonging to all the various handicrafts. The fleet was composed offifteen vessels, which set sail from Harwich on the 31st of May,1578. Twenty days later the western coasts of Frisland werediscovered. Whales played round the vessels in innumerable troops.It is related even that one of the vessels propelled by a favourablewind, struck against a whale with such force that the violence ofthe shock stopped the ship at once, and that the whale afteruttering a loud cry, made a spring out of the water and then wassuddenly swallowed up. Two days later, the fleet met with a deadwhale which they thought must be the one struck by the Salamander.When Frobisher came to the entrance of the strait which has receivedhis name, he found it blocked up with floating ice. "The barqueDennis, 100 tons," says the old account of George Best, "receivedsuch a shock from an iceberg that she sank in sight of the wholefleet. Following upon this catastrophe, a sudden and horribletempest arose from the south-east, the vessels were surrounded onall sides by the ice; they left much of it, between which they couldpass, behind them, and found still more before them through which itwas impossible for them to penetrate. Certain ships, either havingfound a place less blocked with ice, or one where it was possible toproceed, furled sails and drifted; of the others, several stoppedand cast their anchors upon a great island of ice. The latter wereso rapidly enclosed by an infinite number of islets of ice andfragments of icebergs, that the English were obliged to resignthemselves and their ships to the mercy of the ice, and to protectthe ships with cables, cushions, mats, boards, and all kinds ofarticles which were suspended to the sides, in order to defend themfrom the fearful shocks and blows of the ice." Frobisher himself wasthrown out of his course. Finding the impossibility of rallying hissquadron, he sailed along the west coast of Greenland, as far as thestrait which was soon to be called Davis' Strait, and penetrated asfar as the Countess of Warwick Bay. When he had repaired his vesselswith the wood which was to have been used in the building of adwelling, he loaded the ships with 500 tons of stones similar tothose which he had already brought home. Judging the season to bethen too far advanced, and considering also that the provisions hadbeen either consumed, or lost in the Dennis, that the wood forbuilding had been used for repairing the vessels, and having lost 40men, he set out on his return to England on the 31st of August.Tempests and storms accompanied him to the shores of his own country.As to the results of his expedition they were almost none as todiscoveries, and the stones, which he had put on board in the midstof so many dangers, were valueless.

This was the last Arctic voyage in which Frobisher took part. In1585 we meet with him again as vice-admiral, under Drake; in 1588 hedistinguished himself against the Invincible Armada; in 1590 hewas with Sir Walter Raleigh's fleet on the coast of Spain; finallyin a descent on the coast of France, he was so seriously woundedthat he had only time to bring his squadron back to Portsmouthbefore he died. If Frobisher's voyages had only gain for theirmotive, we must put this down not to the navigator himself, but tothe passions of the period, and it is not the less true that indifficult circ*mstances, and with means the insufficiency of whichmakes us smile, he gave proof of courage, talent, and perseverance.To Frobisher is due, in one word, the glory of having shown theroute to his countrymen, and of having made the first discoveries inthe localities where the English name was destined to render itselfillustrious.

If it became necessary to abandon the hope of finding in thesecircumpolar regions countries in which gold abounded as it did inPeru, this was no ground for not continuing to seek there for apassage to China; an opinion supported by very skilful sailors, andone which found many adherents among the merchants of London. By theaid of several high personages, two ships were equipped; theSunshine, of fifty tons' burden and carrying a crew oftwenty-three in number, and the Moonshine, of thirty-five tons.They quitted Portsmouth on the 7th of June, 1585, under the commandof John Davis.

Davis discovered the entrance of the strait which received his name,and was obliged to cross immense fields of drifting ice, afterhaving reassured his crew, who were frightened while in the midst ofa dense fog, by the dash of the icebergs, and the splitting of theblocks of ice. On the 20th July, Davis discovered the Land ofDesolation, but without being able to disembark upon it. Nine dayslater he entered Gilbert Bay, where he found a peaceable population,who gave him sealskins and furs in exchange for some triflingarticles. These natives, some days afterwards, arrived in suchnumbers, that there were not less than thirty-seven canoes aroundDavis' vessels. In this place, the navigator perceived an enormousquantity of drift wood, amongst which he mentions an entire tree,which could not have been less than sixty feet in length. On the 6thof August, he cast anchor in a fine bay called Tottness; near amountain of the colour of gold, which received the name of Raleigh,at the same time, he gave the names of Dyer and Walsingham to twocapes of that land of Cumberland.

During eleven days, Davis still sailed northwards on a very open sea,free from ice, and of which the water had the colour of the Ocean.Already he believed himself at the entrance of the sea, whichcommunicated with the Pacific, when all at once the weather changed,and became so foggy, that he was forced to return to Yarmouth, wherehe landed on the 30th of September.

Davis had the skill to make the owners of his ships partake in thehope which he had conceived. Thus on the 7th of May (1586), he setout again with the two ships which had made the previous voyage. Tothem were added the Mermaid of 120 tons, and the pinnace NorthStar. When, on the 25th of June, he arrived at the southern pointof Greenland, Davis despatched the Sunshine and the North Startowards the north, in order to search for a passage upon the easterncoast, whilst he pursued the same route as in the preceding year,and penetrated into the strait which bears his name as far as 69°.But there was a much greater quantity of ice this year, andon the 17th of July, the expedition fell in with an "icefield" ofsuch extent that it took thirteen days to coast along it. The windafter passing over this icy plain was so cold, that the rigging andsails were frozen, and the sailors refused to go any further. It wasneedful, therefore, to descend again to the east-south-east. ThereDavis explored the land of Cumberland, without finding the strait hewas seeking, and after a skirmish with the Esquimaux, in which threeof his men were killed, and two wounded, he set out on the 19th ofSeptember, on his return to England.

Although once more his researches had not been crowned with success,Davis still had good hope, as is witnessed by a letter, which hewrote to the Company, in which he said that he had reduced theexistence of the passage to a species of certainty. Foreseeing,however, that he would have more trouble in obtaining the despatchof a new expedition, he added that the expenses of the enterprisewould be fully covered by the profit arising from the fishery ofwalrus, seals, and whales, which were so numerous in those parts,that they appeared to have there established their head-quarters. Onthe 15th of May, 1587, he set sail with the Sunshine, theElizabeth of Dartmouth, and the Helen of London. This time hewent farther north than he had ever done before, and reached 72°12', that is to say, nearly the latitude of Upernavik,and he descried Cape Henderson's Hope. Stopped by the ice, andforced to retrace his way, he sailed in Frobisher's Strait, andafter having crossed a large gulf, he arrived, in 61° 10'latitude, in sight of a cape to which he gave the name ofChudleigh. This cape is a part of the Labrador coast, and forms thesouthern entrance to Hudson's Bay. After coasting along the Americanshores as far as 52°, Davis set out for England, which hereached on the 15th of September.

Although the solution of the problem had not been found, yetnevertheless, precious results had been obtained, but results towhich people at that period did not attach any great value. Nearlythe half of Baffin's Bay had been explored, and clear ideas had beenobtained of its shores, and of the people inhabiting them. Thesewere considerable acquisitions, from a geographical point of view,but they were scarcely those which would greatly affect themerchants of the city. In consequence, the attempts at finding anorth-west passage were abandoned by the English for a somewhat longperiod.

A new nation was just come into existence. The Dutch—while scarcelydelivered from the Spanish yoke,—inaugurated that commercial policy,which was destined to make the greatness and prosperity of theircountry, by the successive despatch of several expeditions to seekfor a way to China by the north-east; the same project formerlyconceived by Sebastian Cabot, and which had given to England theRussian trade. With their practical instinct, the Dutch hadacquainted themselves with English navigation. They had evenestablished factories at Kola, and at Archangel, but they wished toproceed further in their search for new markets. The Sea of Karaappearing to them too difficult, they resolved, acting on the adviceof the cosmographer Plancius, to try a new way by the north of NovaZembla. The merchants of Amsterdam applied therefore, to anexperienced sailor, William Barentz, born in the island ofTerschelling, near the Texel. This navigator set out from the Texelin 1594, on board the Mercure, doubled the North Cape, saw theisland of Waigatz, and found himself, on the 4th of July, in sightof the coast of Nova Zembla, in latitude 73° 25'. Hesailed along the coast, doubled Cape Nassau on the 10th of July, andthree days later he came in contact with the ice. Until the 3rd ofAugust, he attempted to open a passage through the pack, testing themass of ice on various sides, going up as far as the Orange Islandsat the north-western extremity of Nova Zembla, sailing over 1700miles of ground, and putting his ship about no less than eighty-onetimes. We do not imagine that any navigator had hitherto displayedsuch perseverance. Let us add that he turned this long cruise toaccount, to fix astronomically, and with remarkable accuracy, thelatitude of various points. At last, wearied with the fruitlessboxing about along the edge of the pack, the crew cried for mercy,and it became necessary to return to the Texel.

The results obtained were judged so important, that the followingyear, the Dutch States-General entrusted to Jacob van Heemskerke,the command of a fleet of seven vessels, of which Barentz was namedchief pilot. After touching at various points upon the coasts ofNova Zembla and of Asia, this squadron was forced by the pack to goback without having made any important discovery, and it returned toHolland on the 18th of September.

As a general rule governments do not possess as much perseverance asdo private individuals. The large fleet of the year 1595, had cost agreat sum of money, and had produced no results; this was sufficientto discourage the States-General. The merchants of Amsterdamtherefore, substituting private enterprise for the action of thegovernment, which merely promised a reward to the man who shouldfirst discover the north-east passage—fitted out two vessels, ofwhich the command was given to Heemskerke and to Jan CorneliszoonRijp, while Barentz, who had only the title of pilot, was virtuallythe leader of the expedition. The historian of the voyage, Gerrit deVeer, was also on board as second mate.

The Dutchmen sailed from Amsterdam on the 10th of May, 1596, passedby the Shetland and Faröe Islands, and on the 5th of June, saw thefirst masses of ice, "whereat we were much amazed, believing atfirst that they were white swans." They soon arrived to the south ofSpitzbergen, at Bear Island, upon which they landed on the 11th ofJune. They collected there a great number of sea-gulls' eggs, andafter much trouble killed at some distance inland a white bear,destined to give its name to the land which Barentz had justdiscovered. On the 19th of June, they disembarked upon somefar-spreading land, which they took to be a part of Greenland, andto which on account of the sharp-pointed mountains, they gave thename of Spitzbergen; of this they explored a considerable portion ofthe western coast. Forced by the Polar pack to go southwards againto Bear Island, they separated there from Rijp, who was once more toendeavour to find a way by the north. On the 11th of July,Heemskerke and Barentz were in the parts of Cape Kanin, and fivedays later they had reached the western coast of Nova Zembla, whichwas called Willoughby's Land. They then altered their course, andagain going northwards, they arrived on the 19th at the Island ofCrosses, where the ice which was still attached to the shore, barredtheir passage. They remained in this place until the 4th of August,and two days later they doubled Cape Nassau. After several changesof course, which it would take too long to relate, they reached theOrange Islands at the northern extremity of Nova Zembla. They beganto descend the eastern coast, but were soon obliged to enter aharbour, where they found themselves completely blocked in by thepack-ice, and in which "they were forced in great cold, poverty,misery, and grief, to stay all the winter." This was on the 26th ofAugust. "On the 30th the masses of ice began to pile themselves oneupon another against the ship, with snow falling. The ship waslifted up and surrounded in such a manner, that all that was abouther and around her began to crack and split. It seemed as if theship must break into a thousand pieces, a thing most terrible to seeand to hear, and fit to make one's hair stand on end. The ship wasafterwards in equal danger, when the ice formed beneath, raising herand bearing her up as though she had been lifted by someinstrument." Soon the ship cracked to such a degree, that prudencedictated the debarkation of some of the provisions, sails, gunpowder,lead, the arquebuses as well as other arms, and the erection of atent or hut, in which the men might be sheltered from the snow andfrom any attacks by bears. Some days later, some sailors who hadadvanced from four to six miles inland, found near a river of freshwater, a quantity of drift-wood; they discovered there also thetraces of wild goats and of reindeer. On the 11th of September,seeing that the bay was filled with enormous blocks of ice piled oneupon the other, and welded together, the Dutchmen perceived thatthey would be obliged to winter in this place, and resolved, "inorder to be better defended against the cold, and armed against thewild beasts," to build a house there, which might be able to containthem all, while they would leave to itself the ship, which becameeach day less safe and comfortable. Fortunately, they found upon theshore whole trees, coming doubtless from Siberia, and driven here bythe current, and in such quantity that they sufficed not only forthe construction of their habitation, but also for firewoodthroughout the winter.

Barentz's Ship. From an old print.

Never yet had any European wintered in these regions, in the midstof that slothful and immovable sea, which according to the veryfalse expressions used by Tacitus, forms the girdle of the world,and in which is heard the uproar caused by the rising of the sun.The Dutchmen, therefore, were unable to picture to themselves thesufferings which threatened them. They bore them, however, withadmirable patience, without a single murmur, and without the leastwant of discipline or attempt at mutiny. The conduct of these braveseamen, quite ignorant of what so apparently dark a future mighthave in reserve for them, but who with wonderful faith had "placedtheir affairs in the hands of God," may be always proposed as anexample even to the sailors of the present day. It may well be saidthat they had really in their heart the æs triplex of which Horacespeaks. It was owing to the skill, knowledge, and foresight of theirleader Barentz, as much as to their own spirit of obedience, thatthe Dutch sailors ever came forth from Nova Zembla, which threatenedto be their tomb, and again saw the shores of their own country.

Interior view of the house. From an old print.

The bears, which were extremely numerous at that period of the year,made frequent visits to the crew. More than one was killed, but theDutchmen contented themselves with skinning them for the sake oftheir fur, and did not eat them, probably because they believed theflesh to be unwholesome. It would have been, however, a considerableaddition to their food, and would have saved them from using theirsalted meat, and thus they might longer have escaped the attacks ofscurvy. But that we may not anticipate, let us continue to followthe journal of Gerrit de Veer.

On the 23rd September, the carpenter died, and was interred the nextday in the cleft of a mountain, it being impossible to put a spadeinto the ground, on account of the severity of the frost. Thefollowing days were devoted to the transport of driftwood and thebuilding of the house. To cover it in, it was necessary to demolishthe fore and aft cabins of the ship; the roof was put on, on the 2ndOctober, and a piece of frozen snow was set up like a May pole. Onthe 31st September, there was a strong wind from the north-west, andas far as the eye could reach, the sea was entirely open and withoutice. "But we remained as though taken and arrested in the ice, andthe ship was raised full two or three feet upon the ice, and wecould imagine nothing else but that the water must be frozen quiteto the bottom, although it was three fathoms and a half in depth."

On the 12th October, they began to sleep in the house, although itwas not completed. On the 21st, the greater part of the provisions,furniture, and everything which might be wanted was withdrawn fromthe ship, for they felt certain that the sun was about to disappear.A chimney was fixed in the centre of the roof, inside a Dutch clockwas hung up, bed-places were formed along the walls, and a wine-caskwas converted into a bath, for the surgeon had wisely prescribed tothe men frequent bathing as a preservative of health. The quantityof snow which fell during this winter, was really marvellous. Thehouse disappeared entirely beneath this thick covering, which,however, sensibly raised the temperature within. Every time thatthey wished to go forth, the Dutchmen were obliged to hollow out along corridor beneath the snow. Each night they first heard thebears, and then the foxes, which walked upon the top of the dwelling,and tried to tear off some planks from the roof, that they might getinto the house. So the sailors were accustomed to climb into thechimney, whence, as from a watch-tower they could shoot the animalsand drive them off. They had manufactured a great number of snares,into which fell numbers of blue foxes, the valuable fur of whichserved as a protection against cold, while their flesh enabled thesailors to economize their provisions. Always cheerful and goodtempered, they bore equally well the ennui of the long polar night,and the severity of the cold, which was so extreme, that during twoof three days, when they had not been able to keep so large a fireas usual, on account of the smoke being driven back again by thewind, it froze so hard in the house, that the walls and the floorwere covered with ice to the depth of two fingers, even in the cotswhere these poor people were sleeping. It was necessary to thaw thesherry, when it was served out, as was done every two days, at therate of half a pint.

"On the 7th of December, the rough weather continued, with a violentstorm coming from the north-east, which produced horrible cold. Weknew no means of guarding ourselves against it, and while we wereconsulting together, what we could do for the best, one of our menin this extreme necessity proposed to make use of the coal which wehad brought from the ship into our house, and to make a fire of it,because it burns with great heat and lasts a long time. In theevening we lighted a large fire of this coal, which threw out agreat heat, but we did not provide against what might happen, for asthe heat revived us completely, we tried to retain it for a longtime. To this end we thought it well to stop up all the doors andthe chimney, to keep in the delightful warmth. And thus, each wentto repose in his cot, and animated by the acquired warmth, wediscoursed long together. But in the end, we were seized with agiddiness in the head, some however, more than others; this wasfirst perceived to be the case with one of our men who was ill, andwho for this reason, had less power of resistance. And we alsoourselves were sensible of a great pain which attacked us, so thatseveral of the bravest came out of their cots and began byunstopping the chimney, and afterwards opening the door. But the manwho opened the door fainted, and fell senseless upon the snow, onperceiving which, I ran to him and found him lying on the ground ina fainting fit. I went in haste to seek for some vinegar, and withit I rubbed his face until he recovered from his swoon. Afterwards,when we were somewhat restored, the captain gave to each a littlewine, in order to comfort our hearts...."

"On the 11th, the weather continued fine, but so extremely cold,that no one who had not felt it could imagine it; even our shoes,frozen to our feet, were as hard as horn, and inside they werecovered with ice in such a manner that we could no longer use them.The garments which we wore were quite white with frost and ice."

On Christmas Day, the 25th December, the weather was as rough as onthe preceding days. The foxes made havoc upon the house, which oneof the sailors declared to be a bad omen, and upon being asked whyhe said so, answered, "Because we cannot put them in a pot, or onthe spit, which would have been a good omen."

If the year 1596, had closed with excessive cold, the commencementof 1597 was not more agreeable. Most violent storms of snow, andhard frost prevented the Dutchmen from leaving the house. Theycelebrated Twelfth Night with gaiety, as is related in the simpleand touching narrative of Gerrit de Veer. "For this purpose, webesought the captain to allow us a little diversion in the midst ofour sufferings, and to let us use a part of the wine which wasdestined to be served out to us every other day. Having two poundsof flour we made some pancakes with oil, and each one brought awhite biscuit, which we soaked in the wine and eat. And it seemed tous that we were in our own country, and amongst our relations andfriends; and we were as much diverted as if a banquet had been givenin our honour, so much did we relish our entertainment. We also madea Twelfth-Night king, by means of paper, and our master gunner wasking of Nova Zembla, which is a country enclosed between two seas,and of the great length of six hundred miles."

After the 21st January, the foxes became less numerous, the bearsreappeared, and daylight began to increase, which enabled theDutchmen, who had been so long confined to the house, to go out alittle. On the 24th, one of the sailors, who had been long ill, died,and was buried in the snow at some distance from the house. On the28th, the weather being very fine, the men all went out, walkingabout, running for exercise, and playing at bowls, to take off thestiffness of their limbs, for they were extremely weak, and nearlyall suffering from scurvy. They were so much enfeebled that theywere obliged to go to work several times before they could carry totheir house the wood which was needful. At length in the first daysof March, after several tempests and driving snowstorms, they wereable to verify the fact that there was no ice in the sea.Nevertheless, the weather was still rough and the cold glacial. Itwas not feasible as yet to put to sea again, the rather because theship was still embedded in the ice. On the 15th of April, thesailors paid a visit to her and found her in fairly good condition.

Exterior view of the house. From an old print.

At the beginning of May the men became somewhat impatient, and askedBarentz if he were not soon intending to make the necessarypreparations for departure. But Barentz answered that he must waituntil the end of the month, and then, if it should be impossible toset the ship free, he would take measures to prepare the long-boatsand the launch, and to render them fit for a sea voyage. On the 20thof the month the preparations for departure commenced; with what joyand ardour it is easy to imagine. The launch was repaired, the sailswere mended, and both boats were dragged to the sea, and provisionsput on board. Then, seeing that the water was free, and that astrong wind was blowing, Heemskerke went to seek Barentz, who hadbeen long ill, and declared to him "that it seemed good to him toset out from thence, and in God's name to commence the voyage andabandon Nova Zembla."

"William Barentz had before this written a paper setting forth howwe had started from Holland to go towards the kingdom of China, andall that had happened, in order that, if by chance, some one shouldcome after us, it might be known what had befallen us. This note heenclosed in the case of a musket which he hung up in the chimney."

On the 13th June, 1597, the Dutchmen abandoned the ship, which hadnot stirred from her icy prison, and commending themselves to theprotection of God, the two open boats put to sea. They reached theOrange Islands, and again descended the western coast of Nova Zemblain the midst of ceaselessly recurring dangers.

"On the 20th of June Nicholas Andrieu became very weak, and we sawclearly that he would soon expire. The lieutenant of the governorcame on board our launch, and told us that Nicholas Andrieu was verymuch indisposed, and that it was very evident that his days wouldsoon end. Upon which, William Barentz said, 'It appears to me thatmy life also will be very short.' We did not imagine that Barentzwas so ill, for we were chatting together, and William Barentz waslooking at the little chart which I had made of our voyage, and wehad various discourses together. Finally, he laid down the chart,and said to me, 'Gerard, give me something to drink.' After he haddrunk, such weakness supervened that his eyes turned in his head,and he died so suddenly that we had not time to call the captain,who was in the other boat. This death of William Barentz saddened usgreatly, seeing that he was our principal leader, and our sole pilot,in whom we had placed our whole trust. But we could not oppose thewill of God, and this thought quieted us a little." Thus died theillustrious Barentz, like his successors Franklin and Hall, in themidst of his discoveries. In the measured and sober words of theshort funeral oration of Gerrit de Veer may be perceived theaffection, sympathy, and confidence which this brave sailor had beenable to inspire in his unfortunate companions. Barentz is one of theglories of Holland, so prolific in brave and skilful navigators. Weshall mention presently what has been done to honour his memory.

After having been forced several times to haul the boats out of thewater when they were on the point of being crushed between theblocks of ice; after having seen on various occasions the sea open,and again close before them; after having suffered both from thirstand hunger, the Dutchmen reached Cape Nassau. One day, being obligedto draw up the long-boat, which was in danger of being stove in uponan iceberg, the sailors lost a part of their provisions and were alldeluged with water, for the ice broke away under their feet. In themidst of so much misery they sometimes met with good windfalls. Thus,when they were upon the ice on the Island of Crosses they foundthere seventy eggs of the mountain-duck. "But they did not know whatthey should put them in to carry them. At length one man took offhis breeches, tying them together by the ends, and having put theeggs into them, they carried them on a pike between two, while thethird man carried the musket. The eggs were very welcome, and we eatthem like lords." From the 19th July, the Dutchmen sailed over a sea,which, if not altogether free from ice, was at least clear of thosegreat fields of ice which had given them so much trouble to avoid.On the 28th July, when entering the Gulf of St. Lawrence, they metwith two Russian vessels, which at first they dared not approach.But when they saw the sailors come to them unarmed and with friendlydemonstrations, they put aside all fear, the rather as theyrecognized in the Russians some people whom they had met with theyear before in the neighbourhood of Waigatz. The Dutchmen receivedsome assistance from them, and then continued their voyage, stillkeeping along the coast of Nova Zembla, and as close in shore as theice would allow. Upon one occasion when they landed, they discoveredthe cochlearia (scurvy-grass), a plant of which the leaves and seedsform one of the most powerful of known anti-scorbutics. They eatthem, therefore, by handfuls, and immediately experienced greatrelief. Their provisions were, however, nearly exhausted; they hadonly a little bread remaining and scarcely any meat. They decidedtherefore to take to the open sea, in order to shorten the distancewhich separated them from the coast of Russia, where they hoped tofall in with some fishermen's boats, from which they might obtainassistance. In this hope they were not deceived, although they hadstill many trials to undergo. The Russians were much touched bytheir misfortunes, and consented on several occasions to bestowprovisions upon them, which prevented the Dutch sailors from dyingof hunger. In consequence of a thick fog the two boats wereseparated from each other, and did not come together again untilsome distance beyond Cape Kanin on the further side of the White Sea,at Kildyn Island, where some fishermen informed the Dutchmen that atKola there were three ships belonging to their nation, which wereready to put to sea on their return to their own country. Theytherefore despatched thither one of their men accompanied by aLaplander, who returned three days afterwards with a letter signedJan Rijp. Great was the astonishment of the Dutch at the sight ofthis signature. It was only on comparing the letter just receivedwith several others which Heemskerke had in his possession, thatthey were convinced that it really came from the captain who hadaccompanied them the preceding year. Some days later, on the 30thSeptember, Rijp himself arrived with a boat laden with provisions,to seek them out and take them to the Kola River, in which his shipwas at anchor.

Rijp was greatly astonished at all that they related to him, and atthe terrible voyage of nearly 1200 miles which they had made, andwhich had not taken less than 104 days—namely, from the 13th Juneto the 25th September. Some days of repose accompanied by wholesomeand abundant food sufficed to clear off the last remains of scurvy,and to refresh the sailors after their fatigues. On the 17thSeptember, Jan Rijp left the Kola River, and on the 1st November theDutch crew arrived at Amsterdam. "We had on," says Gerrit de Veer,"the same garments which we wore in Nova Zembla, having on our headscaps of white fox-skin, and we repaired to the house of PeterHasselaer, who had been one of the guardians of the town ofAmsterdam charged with presiding over the fitting out of the twoships of Jan Rijp and of our own captain. Arrived at this house, inthe midst of general astonishment, because that we had been longthought to be dead, and this report had been spread throughout thetown, the news of our arrival reached the palace of the prince,where there were then at table the Chancellor, and the Ambassador ofthe high and mighty King of Denmark and Norway, of the Goths and theVandals. We were then brought before them by M. l'Écoutets and twolords of the town, and we gave to the said lord Ambassador, and totheir lordships the burgomasters, a narrative of our voyage.Afterwards each of us retired to his own house. Those who had notdwellings in the town, were lodged in an inn until such time as wehad received our money, when each went his own way. These are thenames of the men who returned from this voyage: Jacob Heemskerke,clerk and captain, Peter Peterson Vos, Gerrit de Veer, mate, Jan Vos,surgeon, Jacob Jansen Sterrenburg, Leonard Henry, Laurence William,Jan Hillebrants, Jacob Jansen Hoochwout, Peter Corneille, Jacob deBuisen, and Jacob Everts."

Of all these brave sailors we have nothing further to record exceptthat De Veer published the following year the narrative of hisvoyage, and that Heemskerke after having made several cruises toIndia, received in 1607 the command of a fleet of twenty-six vessels,at the head of which, on the 25th of April, he had a severe battlewith the Spaniards under the guns of Gibraltar, in which battle,although the Dutch were the conquerers, Heemskerke lost his life.

The spot where the unfortunate Barentz and his companions hadwintered was not revisited until 1871, nearly three hundred yearsafter their time. The first to double the northern point of NovaZembla, Barentz had remained alone in the achievement until thisperiod. On the 7th September, 1871, the Norwegian Captain, EllingCarlsen, well known by his numerous voyages in the North Sea and theFrozen Ocean, arrived at the ice haven of Barentz, and on the 9th hediscovered the house which had sheltered the Dutchmen. It was insuch a wonderful state of preservation that it seemed to have beenbuilt but a day, and everything was found in the same position as atthe departure of the shipwrecked crew. Bears, foxes, and othercreatures inhabiting these inhospitable regions had alone visitedthe spot. Around the house were standing some large puncheons andthere were heaps of seal, bear, and walrus bones. Inside, everythingwas in its place. It was the faithful reproduction of the curiousengraving of Gerrit de Veer. The bed-places were arranged along thepartition as they are shown in the drawing, as well as the clock,the muskets, and the halberd. Amongst the household utensils, thearms, and the various objects brought away by Captain Carlsen, wemay mention two copper cooking-pans, some goblets, gun-barrels,augers and chisels, a pair of boots, nineteen cartridge-cases, ofwhich some were still filled with powder, the clock, a flute, somelocks and padlocks, twenty-six pewter candlesticks, some fragmentsof engravings, and three books in Dutch, one of which, the lastedition of Mendoza's "History of China" shows the goal which Barentzsought in this expedition, and a "Manual of Navigation" proves thecare taken by the pilot to keep himself well up in all professionalmatters.

Upon his return to the port of Hammerfest, Captain Carlsen met witha Dutchman, Mr. Lister Kay, who purchased the Barentz relics, andforwarded them to the authorities of the Netherlands. These objectshave been placed in the Naval Museum at the Hague, where a house,open in front, has been constructed precisely similar to the onerepresented in the drawing of Gerrit de Veer, and each object orinstrument brought back has been placed in the very position whichit occupied in the house in Nova Zembla. Surrounded by all therespect and affection which they merit, these precious witnesses ofa maritime event so important as the first wintering in the Arcticregions, these touching reminiscences of Barentz, Heemskerke, andtheir rough companions, constitute one of the most interestingmonuments in the Museum. Beside the clock is placed a copper dial,through the middle of which a meridian is drawn. This curious dial,invented by Plancius, which served without doubt to determine thevariations of the compass, is now the only example extant of anautical instrument which has never been in very general use. Forthis reason it is as precious as, from another point of view, arethe flute used by Barentz, and the shoes of the poor sailor who diedduring the winter sojourn. It is impossible to behold this curiouscollection without experiencing poignant emotion.

CHAPTER IV.

Drake—Cavendish—De Noort—Walter Raleigh.

A very poor cottage at Tavistock in Devonshire was the birthplace in1540, of Francis Drake, who was destined to gain millions by hisindomitable courage, which however, he lost with as much facility ashe had obtained them. Edmund Drake his father, was one of thoseclergy who devote themselves to the education of the people. Hispoverty was only equalled by the respect which was felt for hischaracter. Burdened with a family as he was, the father of FrancisDrake found himself obliged from necessity to allow his son toembrace the maritime profession, for which he had an ardent longing,and to serve as cabin-boy on board a coasting vessel which tradedwith Holland. Industrious, active, self-reliant, and saving, theyoung Francis Drake had soon acquired all the theoretical knowledgeneeded for the direction of a vessel. When he had realized a smallsum, which was increased by the sale of a vessel bequeathed to himby his first master, he made more extended voyages; he visited theBay of Biscay and the Gulf of Guinea, and laid out all his capitalin purchasing a cargo which he hoped to sell in the West Indies. Butno sooner had he arrived at Rio de la Hacha, than both ship andcargo were confiscated, we know not under what frivolous pretext.All the remonstrances of Drake, who thus saw himself ruined, wereuseless. He vowed to avenge himself for such a piece of injustice,and he kept his word.

In 1567, two years after this adventure, a small fleet of sixvessels, of which the largest was of 700 tons' burden, left Plymouthwith the sanction of the Queen, to make an expedition to the Coastsof Mexico. Drake was in command of a ship of fifty tons. At firststarting they captured some negroes on the Cape de Verd Islands, asort of rehearsal of what was destined to take place in Mexico. Thenthey besieged La Mina, where some more negroes were taken, whichthey sold at the Antilles. Hawkins, doubtless by the advice of Drake,captured the town of Rio de la Hacha; after which he reached St.Jean d'Ulloa, having encountered a fearful storm. But the harbourcontained a numerous fleet, and was defended by formidable artillery.The English fleet was defeated, and Drake had much difficulty inregaining the English coast in January, 1568.

Drake afterwards made two expeditions to the West Indies for thepurpose of studying the country. When he considered himself to haveacquired the necessary information, he fitted out two vessels at hisown expense: the Swan, of twenty-five tons, commanded by hisbrother John, and the Pasha of Plymouth, of seventy tons. The twovessels had as crew seventy-three jack-tars, who could be thoroughlydepended on. From July, 1572, to August, 1573, sometimes alone,sometimes in concert with a certain Captain Rawse, Drake made alucrative cruise upon the coasts of the Gulf of Darien, attacked thetowns of Vera Cruz and of Nombre de Dios, and obtained considerablespoil. Unfortunately these enterprises were not carried out withoutmuch cruelty and many acts of violence which would make men of thepresent day blush. But we will not dwell upon the scenes of piracyand barbarity which are only too frequently met with in thesixteenth century.

After assisting in the suppression of the rebellion in Ireland,Drake, whose name was beginning to be well known, was presented toQueen Elizabeth. He laid before her his project of going to ravagethe western coasts of South America, by passing through the Straitof Magellan, and he obtained, with the title of admiral, a fleet ofsix vessels, on board of which were 160 picked sailors.

Francis Drake started from Plymouth on the 15th November, 1577. Hehad some intercourse with the Moors of Mogador, of which he had noreason to boast, made some captures of small importance beforearriving at the Cape de Verd Islands, where he took in freshprovisions, and then was fifty-six days in crossing the Atlantic andreaching the coast of Brazil, which he followed as far as theestuary of La Plata, where he laid in a supply of water. Heafterwards arrived at Seal Bay in Patagonia, where he traded withthe natives, and killed a great number of penguins and sea-wolvesfor the nourishment of his crew. "Some of the Patagonians who wereseen on the 13th May a little below Seal Bay," says the originalnarrative, "wore on the head a kind of horn, and nearly all had manybeautiful birds' feathers by way of hats. They also had the facepainted and diversified by several kinds of colours, and they eachheld a bow in the hand, from which every-time they drew it, theydischarged two arrows. They were very agile, and as far as we couldsee, well instructed in the art of making war, for they kept goodorder in marching and advancing, and for so few men as they were,they made themselves appear a large number." M. Charton, in hisVoyageurs Anciens et Modernes, notices that Drake does not mentionthe extraordinary stature which Magellan had attributed to thePatagonians. For this there is more than one good reason. Thereexists in Patagonia more than one tribe, and the description heregiven by Drake of the savages whom he met, does not at all resemblethat given by Pigafetta of the Patagonians of Port St. Julian. Ifthere exist, as seems now to be proved, a race of men of greatstature, their habitat appears fixed upon the shores of the Straitat the southern extremity of Patagonia, and not at fifteen days'sail from Port Desire, at which Drake arrived on the 2nd June. Onthe following day he reached the harbour of St. Julian, where hefound a gibbet erected of yore by Magellan for the punishment ofsome rebellious members of his crew. Drake in his turn, chose thisspot to rid himself of one of his captains, named Doughty, who hadbeen long accused of treason and underhand dealing, and who onseveral occasions had separated himself from the fleet. Some sailorshaving confessed that he had solicited them to join with him infrustrating the voyage, Doughty was convicted of the crimes ofrebellion, and of tampering with the sailors, and according to thelaws of England, he was condemned by a court martial to be beheaded.This sentence was immediately executed, although Doughty until thelast moment vehemently declared his innocence. Was his guiltthoroughly proved? If Drake were accused upon his return toEngland—in spite of the moderation which he always evinced towardshis men,—of having taken advantage of the opportunity to get rid ofa rival whom he dreaded, it is difficult to conceive that the fortyjudges who pronounced the sentence should have concerted together tofurther the secret designs of their admiral and condemn an innocentman.

On the 20th of August, the fleet, now reduced to three vessels—twoof the ships having been so much damaged that they were at oncedestroyed by the admiral—entered the strait, which had not beentraversed since the time of Magellan. Although he met with fineharbours, Drake found that it was difficult to anchor in them, onaccount both of the depth of the water close to the shore, and ofthe violence of the wind, which, blowing as it did in sudden squalls,rendered navigation dangerous. During a storm which was encounteredat the point where the strait opens into the Pacific, Drake beheldone of his ships founder, while his last companion was separatedfrom him a few days afterwards, nor did he see her again until theend of the campaign. Driven by the currents to the south of thestrait as far as 55° 40', Drake had now only his ownvessel; but by the injury which he did to the Spaniards, he showedwhat ravages he would have committed if he had had still under hiscommand the fleet with which he left England. During a descent uponthe island of Mocha, the English had two men killed and severalwounded, while Drake himself, hit by two arrows on the head, foundhimself utterly unable to punish the Indians for their perfidy. Inthe harbour of Valparaiso he captured a vessel richly laden with thewines of Chili, and with ingots of gold valued at 37,000 ducats;afterwards he pillaged the town, which had been precipitatelyabandoned by its inhabitants. At Coquimbo, the people wereforewarned of his approach, so that he found there a strong force,which obliged him to re-embark. At Arica he plundered three smallvessels, in one of which he found fifty-seven bars of silver valuedat 2006l. In the harbour of Lima, where were moored twelve shipsor barks, the booty was considerable. But what most rejoiced theheart of Drake was to learn that a galleon named the Cagafuego,very richly laden, was sailing towards Paraca. He immediately wentin pursuit, capturing on the way a bark carrying 80 lbs. of gold,which would be worth 14,080 French crowns, and in the latitude ofSan Francisco he seized without any difficulty the Cagafuego, inwhich he found 80 lbs. weight of gold. This caused the Spanish pilotto say, laughing, "Captain, our ship ought no longer to be calledCagafuego (spit-fire), but rather Caga-Plata (spit money), it isyours which should be named Caga-Fuego." After making some othercaptures more or less valuable, upon the Peruvian coast, Drake,learning that a considerable fleet was being prepared to oppose him,thought it time to return to England. For this, there were threedifferent routes open to him: he might again pass the Strait ofMagellan, or he might cross the Southern Sea, and doubling the Capeof Good Hope might so return to the Atlantic Ocean, or he could sailup the coast of China and return by the Frozen Sea and the NorthCape. It was this last alternative, as being the safest of the three,which was adopted by Drake. He therefore put out to sea, reached the38° of north latitude, and landed on the shore of the Bay ofSan Francisco, which had been discovered three years previously byBodega. It was now the month of June, the temperature was very low,and the ground covered with snow. The details given by Drake of hisreception by the natives, are curious enough: "When we arrived, thesavages manifested great admiration at the sight of us, and thinkingthat we were gods, they received us with great humanity andreverence."

"As long as we remained, they continued to come and visit us,sometimes bringing us beautiful plumes made of feathers of diverscolours, and sometimes petun (tobacco) which is a herb in generaluse among the Indians. But before presenting these things to us,they stopped at a little distance, in a spot where we had pitchedour tents. Then they made a long discourse after the manner of aharangue, and when they had finished, they laid aside their bows andarrows in that place, and approached us to offer their presents."

"The first time they came their women remained in the same place,and scratched and tore the skin and flesh of their cheeks, lamentingthemselves in a wonderful manner, whereat we were much astonished.But we have since learnt that it was a kind of sacrifice which theyoffered to us."

The facts given by Drake with regard to the Indians of Californiaare almost the only ones which he furnishes upon the manners andcustoms of the nations which he visited. We would draw the reader'sattention here, to that custom of long harangues which the travellerespecially remarks, just as Cartier had observed upon it forty yearsearlier, and which is so noticeable amongst the Canadian Indians atthe present day. Drake did not advance farther north and gave up hisproject of returning by the Frozen Sea. When he again set sail, itwas to descend towards the Line, to reach the Moluccas, and toreturn to England by the Cape of Good Hope. As this part of thevoyage deals with countries already known, and as the observationsmade by Drake are neither numerous nor novel, our narrative hereshall be brief.

On the 13th of October, 1579, Drake arrived in latitude 8°north, at a group of islands of which the inhabitants had their earsmuch lengthened by the weight of the ornaments suspended to them;their nails were allowed to grow, and appeared to serve as defensiveweapons, while their teeth, "black as ship's pitch," contracted thiscolour from the use of the betel-nut. After resting for a time,Drake passed by the Philippines, and on the 14th of November arrivedat Ternate. The king of this island came alongside, with four canoesbearing his principal officers dressed in their state costumes.After an interchange of civilities and presents, the Englishreceived some rice, sugar-canes, fowls, figo, cloves, and sago. Onthe morrow, some of the sailors who had landed, were present at acouncil. "When the king arrived, a rich umbrella or parasol allembroidered in gold was borne before him. He was dressed after thefashion of his country, but with extreme magnificence, for he wasenveloped from the shoulders with a long cloak of cloth of goldreaching to the ground. He wore as an ornament upon the head, a kindof turban made of the same stuff, all worked in fine gold andenriched with jewels and tufts. On his neck there hung a fine goldchain many times doubled, and formed of broad links. On his fingers,he had six rings of very valuable stones, and his feet were encasedin shoes of morocco leather."

After remaining some time in the country to refresh his crew, Drakeagain put to sea, but his ship on the 9th of January, 1580, struckon a rock, and to float her off it was necessary to throw overboardeight pieces of ordnance and a large quantity of provisions. A monthlater, Drake arrived at Baratena Island where he repaired his ship.This island afforded much silver, gold, copper, sulphur, spices,lemons, cucumbers, cocoa-nuts, and other delicious fruits. "Weloaded our vessels abundantly with these, being able to certify thatsince our departure from England we have not visited any place wherewe have found more comforts in the way of food and fresh provisionsthan in this island and that of Ternate."

After quitting this richly endowed island, Drake landed at GreaterJava, where he was very warmly welcomed by the five kings amongstwhom the island was partitioned, and by the inhabitants. "Thesepeople are of a fine degree of corpulence, they are greatconnoisseurs in arms, with which they are well provided, such asswords, daggers, and bucklers, and all these arms are made with muchart." Drake had been some little time at Java when he learnt thatnot far distant there was a powerful fleet at anchor, which hesuspected must belong to Spain; to avoid it he put to sea in allhaste. He doubled the Cape of Good Hope during the first days ofJune, and after stopping at Sierra Leone to take in water, heentered Plymouth harbour on the 3rd November, 1580, after an absenceof three years all but a few days.

The reception which awaited him in England was at first extremelycold. His having fallen by surprise both upon Spanish towns andships, at a time when the two nations were at peace, rightly causedhim to be regarded by a portion of society as a pirate, who tramplesunder foot the rights of nations. For five months the Queen herself,under the pressure of diplomatic proprieties, pretended to beignorant of his return. But at the end of that time, either becausecirc*mstances had altered, or because she did not wish to showherself any longer severe towards the skilful sailor, she repairedto Deptford where Drake's ship was moored, went on board, andconferred the honour of knighthood upon the navigator.

Elizabeth knighting Drake.

From this period Drake's part as a discoverer is ended, and hisafter-life as a warrior and as the implacable enemy of the Spaniardsdoes not concern us. Loaded with honours, and invested withimportant commands, Drake died at sea on the 28th January, 1596,during an expedition against the Spaniards.

To him pertains the honour of having been the second to pass throughthe Strait of Magellan, and to have visited Tierra del Fuego as faras the parts about Cape Horn. He also ascended the coast of NorthAmerica to a point higher than any his predecessors had attained,and he discovered several islands and archipelagos. Being a veryclever navigator, he made the transit through the Strait of Magellanwith great rapidity. If there are but very few discoveries due tohim, this is probably either because he neglected to record them inhis journal, or because he often mentions them in so inaccurate amanner that it is scarcely possible to recognize the places. It washe who inaugurated that privateering warfare by which the English,and later on the Dutch, were destined to inflict much injury uponthe Spaniards. And the large profits accruing to him from it,encouraged his contemporaries, and gave birth in their minds to thelove for long and hazardous voyages.

Among all those who took example by Drake, the most illustrious wasundoubtedly Thomas Cavendish or Candish. Cavendish joined theEnglish marine service at a very early age; and passed a most stormyyouth, during which he rapidly dissipated his modest fortune. Thatwhich play had robbed him of, he resolved to recover from theSpaniards. Having in 1585 obtained letters of mark, he made a cruiseto the East Indies and returned with considerable booty. Encouragedby his easy success as a highwayman on the great maritime roads, hethought that if he could acquire some honour and glory while engagedin making his fortune, so much the better would it be for him. Withthis idea he bought three ships, the Desire, of twenty tons, theContent, of sixty tons, and the Hugh Gallant, of forty tons,upon which he embarked one hundred and twenty-three soldiers andsailors. Setting sail on the 22nd July, 1586, he passed by theCanaries, and landed at Sierra Leone, which town he attacked andplundered; then, sailing again, he crossed the Atlantic, sightedCape Sebastian in Brazil, sailed along the coast of Patagonia, andarrived on the 27th November at Port Desire. He found there animmense quantity of dog-fish, very large, and so strong that fourmen could with difficulty kill them, and numbers of birds, which,having no wings, could not fly, and which fed upon fish. They areclassed under the general names of auks and penguins. In this verysecure harbour, the ships were drawn up on shore to be repaired.During his stay at this place Cavendish had some skirmishes with thePatagonians,—"men of gigantic size, and having feet eighteen incheslong"—who wounded two of the sailors with arrows tipped withsharpened flints.

On the 7th January, 1587, Cavendish entered the Strait of Magellan,and in the narrowest part of it received on board his shipsone-and-twenty Spaniards and two women, the sole survivors of thecolony founded three years previously, under the name ofPhilippeville, by Captain Sarmiento. This town, which had been builtto bar the passage through the strait, had possessed no fewer thanfour forts as well as several churches. Cavendish could discern thefortress, then deserted and already falling into ruins. Itsinhabitants, who had been completely prevented by the continualattacks of the savages from gathering in their harvests, had diedof hunger, or had perished in endeavouring to reach the Spanishsettlements in Chili. The Admiral, upon hearing this lamentable tale,changed the name of Philippeville into that of Port Famine, underwhich appellation the place is known at the present day. On the 21stthe ships entered a beautiful bay, which received the name ofElizabeth, and in which was buried the carpenter of the HughGallant. Not far from thence a fine river fell into the sea, on thebanks of which dwelt the anthropophagi who had fought so fiercelywith the Spaniards, and who endeavoured, but in vain, to entice theEnglishmen into the interior of the country.

On the 24th February, as the little squadron came forth from thestrait, it encountered a violent storm, which dispersed it. TheHugh Gallant, left alone, and letting in water in all directions,was only kept afloat with the greatest trouble. Rejoined on the 15thby his consorts, Cavendish tried in vain to land on Mocha Island,where Drake had been so maltreated by the Araucanians. This country,rich in gold and silver, had hitherto successfully resisted allSpanish attempts to subjugate it, and its inhabitants, fullydetermined to maintain their liberty, repulsed by force of armsevery attempt to land. It was necessary therefore to go to theisland of St. Maria, where the Indians, who took the Englishmen forSpaniards, furnished them with abundance of maize, fowls, sweetpotatoes, pigs, and other provisions.

On the 30th March, Cavendish dropped anchor in 32° 50'in the Bay of Quintero. A party of thirty musketeers advanced intothe country and met with oxen, cows, wild horses, hares, andpartridges in abundance. The little troop was attacked by theSpaniards, and Cavendish was obliged to return to his ships afterlosing twelve of his men. He afterwards ravaged, plundered, or burntthe towns of Paraca, Cincha, Pisca, and Païta, and devastated theisland of Puna, where he obtained a booty in coined money of thevalue of 25,760l. After having scuttled the Hugh Gallant, whichwas totally unfit any longer to keep the water, Cavendish continuedhis profitable cruising, burnt, in the latitude of New Spain, a shipof 120 tons, plundered and burnt Aguatulio, and captured, after sixhours of fighting, a vessel of 708 tons, laden with rich stuffs, andwith 122,000 gold pesos. Then, "victorious and contented," Cavendishwished to secure the great spoils which he was conveying against anychance of danger. He touched at the Ladrones, the Philippines, andGreater Java, doubled the Cape of Good Hope, recruited himself at St.Helena, and on the 9th September, 1588, anchored at Plymouth, aftertwo years of sailing, privateering, and fighting. At the end of twoyears after his return, of all the great fortune which he hadbrought back with him, there remained only a sum sufficient for thefitting out of a third, and as it proved, a last expedition.

Cavendish started on the 6th August, 1591, with five vessels, but astorm on the coast of Patagonia scattered the flotilla, which couldnot be collected again until the arrival at Port Desire. Assailed byfearful hurricanes in the Strait of Magellan, Cavendish was obligedto go back, after having seen himself deserted by three of his ships.The want of fresh provisions, the cold, and the privations of allkinds which he underwent, and which had decimated his crew, forcedhim to return northwards along the coast of Brazil, where thePortuguese opposed every attempt at landing. He was thereforeobliged to put to sea again without having been able to revictual.Cavendish died, from grief perhaps as much as from hardships, beforehe reached the English coast.

One year after the return of the companions of Barentz, two ships,the Mauritius and the Hendrik Fredrik, with two yachts, theEendracht and Espérance, having on board a crew of 248 men,quitted Amsterdam on the 2nd July, 1598. The commander-in-chief ofthis squadron was Oliver de Noort, a man at that time about thirtyor thereabouts, and well known as having made several long cruisingvoyages. His second in command and vice-admiral was Jacob Claazd'Ulpenda, and as pilot there was a certain Melis, a skilful sailorof English origin. This expedition, fitted out by the merchants ofAmsterdam with the concurrence and aid of the States-General ofHolland, had a double purpose; at once commercial and military.Formerly the Dutch had contented themselves with fetching fromPortugal the merchandise which they distributed by means of theircoasting vessels throughout Europe; but now they were reduced to thenecessity of going to seek the commodities in the scene of theirproduction. For this object, De Noort was to show his countrymen theroute inaugurated by Magellan, and on the way to inflict as muchinjury as he could upon the Spaniards and Portuguese. At this periodPhilip II., whose yoke the Dutch had shaken off, and who had justadded Portugal to his possessions, had forbidden his subjects tohave any commercial intercourse with the rebels of the Low Countries.It was thus a necessity for Holland if she did not wish to be ruined,and as a consequence, to fall anew under Spanish rule, to open upfor herself a road to the Spice Islands. The route which was theleast frequented by the enemy's ships was that by the Strait ofMagellan, and this was the one which De Noort was ordered to follow.

After touching at Goree, the Dutch anchored in the Gulf of Guinea,at the Island do Principe. Here the Portuguese pretended to give afriendly welcome to the men who went on shore, but they tookadvantage of a favourable opportunity, to fall upon and massacrethem without mercy. Among the dead were Cornille de Noort, brotherof the admiral, Melis, Daniel Goerrits, and John de Bremen—thecaptain, Peter Esias, being the only man who escaped. It was asorrowful commencement for a campaign, a sad presage which wasdestined not to remain unfulfilled. De Noort, who was furious overthis foul play, landed from his ships 120 men; but he found thePortuguese so well entrenched, that after a brisk skirmish in whichseventeen more of his men were either killed or wounded, he wasobliged to weigh anchor without having been able to avenge thewicked and cowardly perfidy to which his brother and twelve of hiscompanions had fallen victims. On the 25th December, one of thepilots named Jan Volkers, was abandoned on the African coast as apunishment for his disloyal intrigues, for endeavouring to foment aspirit of despondency amongst the crews, and for his well-provedrebellion. On the 5th January, the island of Annobon, situated inthe Gulf of Guinea, a little below the Line, was sighted, and thecourse of the ships was changed for crossing the Atlantic. De Noorthad scarcely cast anchor in the Bay of Rio Janeiro before he sentsome sailors on shore to obtain water and buy provisions from thenatives; but the Portuguese opposed the landing, and killed elevenmen. Afterwards, repulsed from the coast of Brazil by the Portugueseand the natives, driven back by contrary winds, having made vainefforts to reach the island of St. Helena, where they had hoped toobtain the provisions of which they were in the most pressing want,the Dutchmen, deprived of their pilot, toss at random upon the ocean.They land upon the desert islands of Martin Vaz, again reach thecoast of Brazil at Rio Doce, which they mistake for Ascension Island,and are finally obliged to winter in the desert island of SantaClara. The putting into port at this place was marked by severaldisagreeable events. The flag-ship struck upon a rock with so muchviolence that had the sea been a little rougher, she must have beenlost. There were also some bloody and barbarous executions ofmutinous sailors, notably that of a poor man, who having wounded apilot with a knife thrust, was condemned to have his hand nailed tothe mainmast. The invalids, of whom there were many on board thefleet, were brought on shore, and nearly all were cured by the endof a fortnight. From the 2nd to the 21st of June, De Noort remainedin this island, which was not more than three miles from themainland. But before putting to sea he was obliged to burn theEendracht, as he had not sufficient men to work her. It was notuntil the 20th December, after having been tried by many storms,that he was able to cast anchor in Port Desire, where the crewkilled in a few days a quantity of dog-fish and sea-lions, as wellas more than five thousand penguins. "The general landed," says theFrench translation of De Noort's narrative, published by De Bry,"with a party of armed men, but they saw nobody, only some gravesplaced on high situations among the rocks, in which the people burytheir dead, putting upon the grave a great quantity of stones, allpainted red, having besides adorned the graves with darts, plumes offeathers, and other singular articles which they use as arms."

A Sea-lion Hunt. From an old print.

The Dutch saw also, but at too great a distance to shoot them,buffalos, stags, and ostriches, and from a single nest they obtainedten ostrich eggs. Captain Jacob Jansz Huy de Cooper, died during thestay at this place, and was interred at Port Desire. On the 23rdNovember, the fleet entered the Strait of Magellan. During a visitto the shore three Dutchmen were killed by some Patagonians, andtheir death was avenged by the massacre of a whole tribe of Enoos.The long navigation through the narrows and the lakes of the Straitof Magellan was signalized by the meeting with two Dutch ships,under the command of Sebald de Weerdt, who had wintered not far fromthe Bay of Mauritius, and by the abandoning of Vice-admiral Claaz,who, as it would appear, had been several times guilty ofinsubordination. Are not these acts, which we see so frequentlycommitted by English, Dutch, and Spanish navigators, a true sign ofthe times? A deed which we should regard now-a-days as one ofterrible barbarity seemed, doubtless, a relatively mild punishmentin the eyes of men so accustomed to set but little value upon humanlife. Nevertheless, could anything be more cruel than to abandon aman in a desert country, without arms and without provisions, to puthim on shore in a country peopled by ferocious cannibals, preparedto make a repast on his flesh; what was it but condemning him to ahorrible death?

On the 29th of February, 1600, De Noort, after having beenninety-nine days in passing through the strait, came out on to thePacific Ocean. A fortnight later, a storm separated him from theHendrik Fredrik, which was never again heard of. As for De Noort,who had now with him only one yacht besides his own vessel, he castanchor at the island of Mocha, and, unlike the experience of hispredecessors, he was very well received by the natives. Afterwardshe sailed along the coast of Chili, where he was able to obtainprovisions in abundance in exchange for Nuremberg knives, hatchets,shirts, hats, and other articles of no great value. After ravaging,plundering, and burning several towns on the Peruvian coast, aftersinking all the vessels that he met with, and amassing aconsiderable booty, De Noort, hearing that a squadron commanded bythe brother of the viceroy, Don Luis de Velasco, had been sent inpursuit of him, judged it time to make for the Ladrone Islands,where he anchored on the 16th of September. "The inhabitants camearound our ship with more than 200 canoes, there being three, four,or five men in each canoe, crying out all together: 'Hierro, hierro'(iron, iron), which is greatly in request amongst them. They are asmuch at home in the water as upon land, and are very clever divers,as we perceived when we threw five pieces of iron into the sea,which a single man went to search for." De Noort could testifyunfortunately, that these islands well deserved their name. Theislanders tried even to drag the nails out of the ship, and carriedoff everything upon which they could lay their hands. One of them,having succeeded in climbing along a part of the rigging, had theaudacity to enter a cabin and seize upon a sword, with which hethrew himself into the sea.

On the 14th October following, De Noort traversed the PhilippineArchipelago, where he made several descents, and burnt, plundered,or sunk a number of Spanish or Portuguese vessels, and some Chinesejunks. While cruising in the Strait of Manilla he was attacked bytwo large Spanish vessels, and in the battle which followed theDutch had five men killed, and twenty-five wounded and lost theirbrigantine, which was captured with her crew of twenty-five men. TheSpaniards lost more than 200 men, for their flag-ship caught fireand sank. Far from picking up the wounded and the able-bodied men,who were trying to save themselves by swimming, the Dutch, "makingway with sails set on the foremast, across the heads which were tobe seen in the water, pierced some with lances, and also dischargedtheir cannon over them." After this bloody and fruitless victory, DeNoort went to recruit at Borneo, captured a rich cargo of spices atJava, and having doubled the Cape of Good Hope, landed at Rotterdamon the 26th of August, having only one ship and forty-eight menremaining. If the merchants who had defrayed the expenses of theexpedition approved of the conduct of De Noort, who brought back acargo which more than reimbursed them for their expenditure, and whohad taught his countrymen the way to the Indies, it behoves us,while extolling his qualities as a sailor, to take great exceptionto the manner in which he exercised the command, and to mete outsevere blame for the barbarity which has left a stain of blood uponthe first Dutch voyage of circumnavigation.

Battle of Manilla. From an old print.

We have now to speak of a man who, endowed with eminent qualitiesand with at least equal defects, carried on his life's work indivers, sometimes even in opposing directions, and who after havingreached the highest summit of honour to which a gentleman couldaspire, at last laid his head upon a scaffold, accused of treasonand felony. This man is Sir Walter Raleigh. If he have any claim toa place in this portrait gallery of great sailors, it is neither asfounder of any English colony nor as a sailor; it is as a discoverer,and what we have to say of him is not to his credit. Walter Raleighpassed five years in France fighting against the League, in themidst of all those Gascons who formed the basis of the armies ofHenry of Navarre, and in such society he perfected the habits ofboasting and falsehood which belonged to his character. In 1577,after a campaign in the Low Countries against the Spaniards, hereturns to England and takes a deep interest in the questions sopassionately debated among his three brothers by the mother's side,John, Humphrey, and Adrian Gilbert. At this period England waspassing through a very grave economic crisis. The practice ofa*griculture was undergoing a transformation; in all directionsgrazing was being substituted for tillage, and the number ofa*gricultural labourers was greatly reduced by the change. Fromthence arose general distress, and also such a surplussage ofpopulation as was fast becoming a matter of anxious concern. At thesame time, to long wars succeeds a peace, destined to endurethroughout the reign of Elizabeth, so that a great number ofadventurers know not how to find indulgence for their love ofviolent emotions. At this moment, therefore, arises the necessityfor such an emigration as may relieve the country of its population,may permit all the miserable people dying of hunger to provide fortheir own wants in a new country, and by that means may increase theinfluence and prosperity of the mother country. All the morethoughtful minds in England, who follow the course of publicopinion—Hakluyt, Thomas Hariot, Carlyle, Peckham, and the brothersGilbert—are struck with this need. But it is to the last named thatbelongs the credit of indicating the locality suitable for theestablishing of colonies. Raleigh only joined with his brothers inthe scheme, following their lead, but he neither conceived nor beganthe carrying into execution—as he has been too often credited withdoing—of this fruitful project, the colonization of the Americanshores of the Atlantic. If Raleigh, all-powerful with QueenElizabeth, fickle and nevertheless jealous in her affections as shewas, encourage his brothers; if he expend himself 40,000l.sterling in his attempts at colonization, he still takes good carenot to quit England, for the life of patience and self-devotion ofthe founder of a colony would have no attractions for him. He givesup and sells his patent as soon as he perceives the inutility of hisefforts, while he does not forget to reserve for himself the fifthpart of any profit arising eventually from the colony.

Sir Walter Raleigh. From an old print.

At the same time Raleigh fits out some vessels against the Spanishpossessions; and himself soon takes part in the strife and thebattles which saved England from the Invincible Armada, afterwardsproceeding to support the claims of the Prior de Crato, to thethrone of Portugal. It is a short time after his return to Englandthat he falls into disgrace with his royal mistress, and after hisrelease from prison, while he is confined to his princely mansion ofSherborne, he conceives the project of his voyage to Guiana. To hismind, this is a gigantic enterprise of which the marvellous resultsare destined to draw upon him the attention of the whole world, andto restore to him the favour of his sovereign. Would not thediscovery and conquest of El Dorado, of the country in whichaccording to Orellana, the temples are roofed with plates of gold,where all the tools, even those for the meanest purposes, are madeof gold, where one walks upon precious stones, "procure for himgreater glory," these are the very words which Raleigh employs inhis account, "than Cortès had gained in Mexico, or Pizarro in Peru.He will have under him more golden towns and nations than the Kingof Spain, the Sultan of the Turks, and no matter what Emperor!" Wehave already spoken of the fables which Orellana had invented in1539, and which had been the fruitful source of more than one legend.Humboldt discloses what had given them birth when he describes to usthe nature of the soil and the rocks which surround Lake Parima,between the Essequibo and the Branco. "They are," says this greattraveller, "rocks of micaceous slate, and of sparkling talc, whichare resplendent in the midst of a sheet of water, which acts as areflector beneath the burning tropical sun." So are explained thosemassive domes of gold, those obelisks of silver, and all thosemarvels of which the boastful and enthusiastic minds of theSpaniards afforded them a glimpse. Did Raleigh believe really in theexistence of this city of gold, for the conquest of which he wasabout to sacrifice so many lives? Was he thoroughly convincedhimself, or did he not yield to the illusions of a mind eager forglory? It is impossible to say, but this at least is indisputable,that, to borrow the just expressions of M. Philarète Chasles, "atthe moment even of his embarkation men did not believe in hispromises, they were suspicious of his exaggerations, and dreaded theresults of an expedition directed by a man so fool-hardy, and of amorality so equivocal."

Raleigh seizes Berreo. From an old print.

Nevertheless, it seemed that Raleigh had foreseen everything needfulfor this undertaking, and that he had made the necessary studies.Not only did he speak of the nature of the soil of Guiana, of itsproductions, and its inhabitants with imperturbable assurance, buthe had taken care to send, at his own expense, a ship commanded byCaptain Whiddon, to prepare the way for the fleet which he intendedto conduct in person to the banks of the Orinoco. What he took goodcare, however, not to confide to the public, was that all theinformation he received from his emissary was unfavourable to theenterprise. Raleigh himself started from Plymouth on the 9thFebruary, 1595, with a small fleet of five vessels, and 100 soldiers,without reckoning marines, officers, and volunteers. After stoppingfour days at Fortaventura, one of the Canaries, to take in wood andwater there, he reached Teneriffe, where Captain Brereton ought tohave rejoined him. Having waited for him in vain for eighty days,Raleigh sailed for Trinidad, where he met Whiddon. The island ofTrinidad was at that time governed by Don Antonio de Berreo, who, itis said, had obtained accurate information concerning Guiana. Thearrival of the English did not please him, and he immediatelydespatched emissaries to Cumana and to Margarita, with orders togather together the troops to attack the Englishmen, while at thesame time he forbade any Indians or Spaniards to hold intercoursewith them under pain of death. Raleigh, forewarned, determined to bebeforehand with him. At nightfall he landed in secret with 100 men,captured the town of St. Joseph, to which the Indians set fire,without a blow, and carried off Berreo and the principal personagesto the ships. At the same time arrived Captains Gifford and Knynin,from whom he had been separated upon the Spanish Coasts. Raleigh atonce sailed for the Orinoco, entered Capuri Bay with a large galleyand three boats carrying 100 sailors and soldiers, became entangledin the inextricable labyrinth of islands and canals which form themouth of the river, and ascended the Orinoco for a distance of 330miles. The account which Raleigh gives of his campaign is sofabulous, with the coolness of a Gascon transported to the banks ofthe Thames, he so heaps one falsehood upon the top of another, thatone is almost tempted to class his narrative amongst the number ofimaginary voyages. He says that some Spaniards who had seen the townof Manoa, called El Dorado, told him that this town exceeds in sizeand wealth all the towns in the world, and everything which the"conquistadores" had seen in America. "There is no winter there," hesays; "a soil dry and fertile, with game, and birds of every speciesin great abundance, who filled the air with hitherto unknown notes;it was a real concert for us. My captain, sent to search for mines,perceived veins both of gold and silver; but as he had no tool buthis sword, he was unable to detach these metals to examine them indetail; however, he carried away several bits of them which hereserved for future examination. A Spaniard of Caracas called thismine Madre del Oro (mother of gold)." Then, as Raleigh well knowsthat the public is on its guard against his exaggerations, he adds,"It will be thought perchance, that I am the sport of a false andcheating delusion, but why should I have undertaken a voyage thuslaborious, if I had not entertained the conviction that there is nota country upon earth which is richer in gold than Guiana? Whiddonand Milechappe, our surgeon, brought back several stones whichresembled sapphires. I showed these stones to several inhabitants ofOrinoco, who have assured me that there exists an entire mountain ofthem." An old cacique of the age of 110, who nevertheless couldstill walk ten miles without fatigue, came to see Raleigh, boastedto him of the formidable power of the Emperor of Manoa, and provedto him that his forces were insufficient. He depicted these peopleas much civilized, as wearing clothes, and possessing great riches,especially in plates of gold; finally, he spoke to him of a mountainof pure gold. Raleigh relates that he wished to approach thismountain, but, sad mischance, it was at that moment half submerged."It had the form of a tower, and appeared to me rather white thanyellow. A torrent which precipitated itself from the mountain,swollen by the rains, made a tremendous noise, which could be heardat the distance of many miles, and which deafened our people. Irecollected the description which Berreo had given of the brilliancyof the diamonds and of the other precious stones scattered over thevarious parts of the country. I had, however, some doubt as to thevalue of these stones; their extraordinary whiteness, neverthelesssurprised me. After a short time of repose on the banks of theVinicapara, and a visit to the village of the cacique, the latterpromised to conduct me to the foot of the mountain by a circuitousroute; but at the sight of the numerous difficulties which presentedthemselves, I preferred to return to the mouth of the Cumana, wherethe caciques of the neighbourhood came to bring various presents,consisting of the rare productions of the country." We will sparethe reader the description of people three times taller thanordinary men, of cyclops, of natives who had their eyes upon theshoulders, their mouth in the chest, and the hair growing from themiddle of the back—all affirmations seriously related, but whichgive to Raleigh's narrative a singular resemblance to a fairy tale.One fancies while reading it that it must be a page taken out of theThousand and one Nights.

If we put on one side all these figments of an imagination run mad,what gain has been derived for geography? There was certainly nopains spared in announcing with much noise, and very great puffing,this fantastic expedition, and we may well say with thefable-writer,—

"In fancy free I an author see,
Who says, 'The awful war I'll sing
Of Titans with the Thunder-King:'
Of this grand promise the result, we find,
Is often wind."

CHAPTER V.

Distinguishing characteristics of the Seventeenth Century—The morethorough exploration of regions previously discovered—To the thirstfor gold succeeds Apostolic zeal—Italian missionaries in Congo—Portuguesemissionaries in Abyssinia—Brue in Senegal and Flacourtin Madagascar—The Apostles of India, of Indo-China, and of Japan.

The seventeenth century has a distinctive character of its own,differing from that of the preceding century in the fact that nearlyall the great discoveries have been already made, and that the workof this whole period consists almost exclusively in perfecting theinformation already acquired. It contrasts equally with the centurywhich is to succeed it, because scientific methods are not yetapplied by astronomers and sailors, as they are to be 100 yearslater. It appears in fact, that the narratives of the firstexplorers—who were only able, so to speak, to obtain a glimpse ofthe regions which they traversed while waging their wars,—may havein some degree exercised a baneful influence upon the public mind.Curiosity, in the narrowest sense of the word, is carried to anextreme. Men travel over the world to gain an idea of the mannersand customs of each nation, of the productions and manufactures ofeach country, but there is no real study. They do not seek to tracewhat they see to its source, and to reason scientifically upon thewhy and wherefore of facts. They behold, curiosity is satisfied, andthey pass on. The observations made do not penetrate beneath thesurface, and the great object appears to be to visit, as rapidly asmay be, all the regions which the sixteenth century has brought tolight.

Besides, the abundance of the wealth diffused on a sudden over thewhole of Europe has caused an economic crisis. Commerce, likeindustry, is transformed and altered. New ways are opened, newmediums arise, new wants are created, luxury increases, and theeagerness to make a fortune rapidly by speculation, turns the headsof many. If Venice from a commercial point of view be dead, theDutch are about to constitute themselves, to use a happy expressionof M. Leroy-Beaulieu, "the carriers and agents of Europe," and theEnglish are preparing to lay the foundations of their vast colonialempire.

To the merchants succeed the missionaries. They alight in largenumbers upon the newly-discovered countries, preaching the Gospel,civilizing the barbarous nations, studying and describing thecountry. The development of Apostolic zeal is one of the dominantfeatures of the seventeenth century, and it behoves us to recognizeall that geography and historic science owe to these devoted,learned, and unassuming men. The traveller only passes through acountry, the missionary dwells in it. The latter has evidently muchgreater facilities for acquiring an intimate knowledge of thehistory and civilization of the nations which he studies. It istherefore very natural that we should owe to them narratives ofjourneys, descriptions, and histories, which are still consultedwith advantage, and which have served as a basis for later works.

If there be any country to which these reflections more particularlyapply, it is to Africa, and especially to Abyssinia. How much ofthis vast triangular continent of Africa was known in theseventeenth century? Nothing but the coasts, it will be said. Amistake. From the earliest times the two branches of the Nile, theAstapus and the Bahr-el-Abiad, had been known to the ancients. Theyhad even advanced—if the lists of countries and nations discoveredat Karnak by M. Mariette may be believed—as far as the great Lakesof the interior. In the twelfth century, the Arab geographer Edrisiwrites an excellent description of Africa for Roger II. of Sicily,and confirms these data. Later on, Cadamosto and Ibn Batuta travelover Africa, and the latter goes as far as Timbuctoo. Marco Poloaffirms that Africa is only united to Asia by the Isthmus of Suez,and he visits Madagascar. Lastly, when the Portuguese, led by Vascoda Gama, have completed the circumnavigation of Africa, some of themremain in Abyssinia, and in a short time diplomatic relations areestablished between that country and Portugal. We have already saidsomething of Francesco Alvarez; in his train several Portuguesemissionaries settle in the country, amongst whom must be namedFathers Paez and Lobo.

Father Paez left Goa in 1588 to preach Christianity upon the easterncoast of North Africa. After long and sad mishaps, he landed atMassowah in Abyssinia, traversed the country, and in 1618 pushed onas far as the sources of the Blue Nile,—a discovery theauthenticity of which Bruce was hereafter to dispute, but of whichthe narrative differs only in some unimportant particulars from thatof the Scotch traveller. In 1604, Paez, arrived at the court of theking Za Denghel, had preached with such success that he hadconverted the king and all his court. He had even soon acquired sogreat an influence over the Abyssinian monarch, that the latter, inwriting to the Pope and to the King of Spain to offer them hisfriendship, asked them to send him men fitted to teach his people.

Father Geronimo Lobo landed in Abyssinia with Alfonzo Meneses,patriarch of Ethiopia, in 1625. But times were greatly changed. Theking converted by Paez had been murdered, and his successor, who hadsummoned the Portuguese missionaries, died after a short time. Aviolent revulsion of feeling ensued against the Christians, and themissionaries were driven away, imprisoned, or given up to the Turks.Lobo was charged with the mission of obtaining the sum necessary forthe ransom of his companions. After many wanderings, which led himto Brazil, Carthagena, Cadiz, and Seville, to Lisbon and to Rome,where he gave the Pope and the King of Spain numerous and accuratedetails upon the Church of Ethiopia and the manners of theinhabitants, he made a last journey in India, and returned to Lisbonto die, in 1678.

Christianity had been introduced into Congo, upon the Atlantic coast,in 1489, the year of its discovery by the Portuguese. At firstDominicans were sent; but as they made scarce any progress, the Pope,with the consent of the King of Portugal, despatched thither someItalian Capuchins. These were Carli de Placenza in 1667, GiovanniAntonio Cavazzi, from 1654 to 1668, afterwards Antonio Zucchelli andGradisca, from 1696 to 1704. We shall mention these missionariesonly, because they have published accounts of their journeys.Cavazzi explored in succession Angola, the country of Matumba, andthe islands of Coanza and Loana. In the ardour of his apostolic zeal,he could devise no better means of converting the blacks than byburning their idols, rebuking the kings for the time-honoured customof polygamy, and subjecting to torture, or to being torn with whips,those who relapsed into idolatry. Notwithstanding all this, hegained considerable ascendancy over the natives, which, if it hadbeen well directed, might have produced very useful results in thedevelopment of civilization and the progress of religion. The samereproach is due also to Father Zucchelli and to the otherMissionaries in Congo. The narrative of Cavazzi, published at Romein 1687, asserted that Portuguese influence extended from 200 to 300miles from the coast, and that in the interior there existed a veryimportant town, known by the name of San Salvador, which possessedtwelve churches, a Jesuit college, and a population of 50,000 souls.

At the close of the fourteenth century Pigafetta published theaccount of the journey of Duarte Lopez, ambassador from the King ofCongo to the Courts of Rome and Lisbon. A map which accompanies thisnarrative presents to us a Lake Zambré, in the very place occupiedby Lake Tanganyika, and more to the west, Lake Acque Lunda, fromwhence issued the Congo River; south of the equator two lakes areindicated, one the Lake of the Nile, the other, more to the east,bears the name of Colué; they appear to be the Albert and theVictoria Nyanza. This most curious information was rejected by thegeographers of the nineteenth century, who left blank the wholeinterior of Africa.

Upon the West Coast of Africa at the mouth of the Senegal, theFrench had established settlements which, under the skilfuladministration of Andrew Brue, speedily received considerableextension. Brue, Commandant for the King and Director-general ofthe Royal French Company upon the Senegal Coast and in other partsof Africa—so ran his official title—although he may be littleknown, and the article which treats of him may be one of the mostcurtailed in the great collections of biography, deserves to occupyone of the most prominent positions among colonizers and explorers.Not content with extending the colony as far as its present limits,he explored countries which have been only lately revisited byLieutenant Mage, or which have not been visited at all since Brue'stime. He carried the French outposts eastwards above the junction ofthe Senegal and the Faleme, northwards as far as Arguin, which wehave since abandoned, although reserving our rights, and southwardsas far as the island of Bissao. He explored in the interior Galamand Bambouk, so rich in gold, and collected the earliest documentsconcerning the Pouls, Peuls or Fouls, the Yoloffs and the Mussulmen,who coming from the north, attempted the religious conquest of allthe black nations of the country. The information thus collected byBrue about the history and migrations of these various people, is ofthe greatest value, affording clear light, even in the present day,to the geographer and the historian. Not only has Brue left us thenarrative of deeds of which he was witness and the description ofthe places which he visited, but we also owe to him much informationabout the productions of the countries, the plants, the animals, andall the objects which would give occasion for commercial orindustrial enterprise. These most curious documents, put togethervery maladroitly it must be confessed, by Father Labat, formed thesubject, a few years ago, of a very interesting work by M. Berlioux.

To the south-east of Africa, during the first half of theseventeenth century, the French founded some commercial settlementsin Madagascar, an island long known under the name of St. Lawrence.They build Fort Dauphin under the administration of M. de Flacourt;several unknown districts of the island are explored as well as theneighbouring islands upon the coast; the Mascarene Islands areoccupied in 1649. Although firm and moderate towards his countrymen,De Flacourt did not use the same self-control towards the natives;he even brought about a general revolt, as a consequence of which hewas recalled. Expeditions into the interior of Madagascar werehenceforth very rare, and it is not until the present day that wefind a thorough exploration carried out.

Of Indo-China and Thibet the only information which reached Europeduring the whole of the seventeenth century was due to themissionaries. Such names as Father Alexandre de Rhodes, Ant.d'Andrada, Avril, Benedict Goes, may not be passed over in silence.In their Annual Letters is to be found a quantity of information,which even in the present day retains a real interest, as concerningregions so long closed against Europeans. In Cochin China and Tonkin,Father Tachard devoted himself to astronomical observations, ofwhich the result was to prove by the most conclusive evidence thegreat errors in the longitudes given by Ptolemy. This called theattention of the learned world to the necessity of a reform in thegraphic representation of the countries of the extreme east, and forattaining this end, to the absolute need of close observations madeby specially qualified scientific men, or by navigators familiarwith astronomical calculations. The country which especiallyattracted the missionaries was China, that enormous and populousempire, which ever since the arrival of Europeans in India, hadpersevered with the greatest strictness in the absurd policy ofabstention from any intercourse whatsoever with foreigners. It wasnot until the close of the sixteenth century that the missionariesobtained the permission, so often demanded before in vain, topenetrate into the Middle Empire. Their knowledge of mathematics andastronomy facilitated their settlement and enabled them to gather,as well from the ancient annals of the country, as during theirjournies, a prodigious quantity of most valuable informationconcerning the history, ethnography, and geography of the CelestialEmpire. Fathers Mendoza, Ricci, Trigault, Visdelou, Lecomte,Verbiest, Navarrete, Schall, and Martini, deserve especial mentionfor having carried to China the arts and sciences of Europe, whilethey diffused in the west the first accurate and precise informationupon the unprogressive civilization of the Flowery Land.

The Dutch in the Spice Islands—Lemaire andSchouten—Tasman—Mendana—Queiros and Torrès—Pyrard deLaval—Pietro della Valle—Tavernier—Thévenot—Bernier—RobertKnox—Chardin—De Bruyn—Kæmpfer.

The Dutch were not slow in perceiving the weakness and decadence ofthe Portuguese power in Asia. They felt with how much ease a cleverand prudent nation might in a short time become possessed of thewhole commerce of the extreme East. After a considerable number ofprivate expeditions and voyages of reconnaissance they had foundedin 1602 that celebrated Company of the Indies which was destined toraise to so high a pitch the wealth and prosperity of the metropolis.Equally in its strife with the Portuguese as in its dealing with thenatives, the Company pursued a very skilful policy of moderation.Far from founding colonies, or repairing and occupying thefortresses which they took from the Portuguese, the Dutch borethemselves as simple traders, exclusively occupied with theircommerce. They avoided building any fortified factory, except at theintersection of the great commercial roads. Thus they were able in ashort time to seize all the carrying trade between India, China,Japan, and Oceania. The one fault committed by the all-powerfulCompany was the concentrating in its own hands a monopoly of thetrade in spices. It drove away the foreigners who had settled in theMoluccas or in the Islands of Sunda, or who came thither to obtain acargo of spices; it even went the length, in order to raise theprice of this valuable commodity, of proscribing the cultivation ofcertain species in a large number of islands, and of forbidding,under pain of death, the exportation and sale of seeds and cuttingsof the spice-producing trees. In a few years the Dutch wereestablished in Java, Sumatra, Borneo, the Moluccas, and at the Capeof Good Hope, harbours the best placed for ships returning to Europe.

It was at this time that a rich merchant of Amsterdam, Jacob Lemaire,in concert with a skilful mariner, named Wilhem Cornelis Schouten,conceived a project for reaching the Indies by a new route. TheDutch States-General had in fact forbidden any subject of the UnitedProvinces, not in the pay of the Company of the Indies, from goingto the Spice Islands by way of the Cape of Good Hope or of theStrait of Magellan. Schouten, according to some, Lemaire, accordingto others, had formed the idea of eluding this interdict by seekinga passage to the south of Magellan's Strait. This much is certain,that Lemaire bore one half of the expense of the expedition, whileSchouten, by the aid of several merchants whose names have beenhanded down to us, and who filled the chief offices in the town ofHoorn, provided the other half. They fitted out the Concorde, avessel of 360 tons, and a yacht, carrying together a crew ofsixty-five men, and twenty-nine cannon. This was certainly anequipment but little in accordance with the magnitude of theenterprise. But Schouten was a skilful mariner, the crew had beencarefully chosen, and the vessels were abundantly furnished withprovisions and spare rigging. Lemaire was commissioner, and Schoutenthe captain of the ship. The destination was kept secret, andofficers and crew entered into an unlimited engagement to gowherever they might be led. On the 25th June, 1615, eleven daysafter quitting the Texel, and when there was no longer anything tobe feared from indiscretion, the crews were assembled to listen tothe reading of an order which ran as follows: "The two vessels wouldseek another passage than that of Magellan, by which to enter theSouth Sea, and to discover there certain southern countries, in thehope of obtaining enormous profits from them, and if heaven shouldnot favour this design, they would repair by means of the same seato the East Indies." This declaration was received with enthusiasmby the whole crew, who were animated, like all Dutchmen of thatperiod, with a love for great discoveries.

The route then usually pursued for reaching South America—as mayperhaps have been already observed—followed the African coasts asfar as below the equator. The Concorde did not try to deviate fromit; she reached the shores of Brazil, Patagonia, and Port Desire, at300 miles to the north of the Strait of Magellan, but was forseveral days hindered by storms from entering the harbour. The yachteven remained for the space of one whole tide, aground and lying onher side, but high water set her afloat again; only for a short timehowever, for whilst some repairs were being done to her keel, herrigging took fire, and she was consumed in spite of the energeticefforts of the two crews. On the 13th January, 1616, Lemaire andSchouten arrived at the Sebaldine Islands, discovered by Sebald deWeerdt, and followed the coast of Tierra del Fuego at a shortdistance from land. The coast ran east-quarter-south-east, and wasskirted by high mountains covered with snow. On the 24th of Januaryat mid-day, they sighted its extreme point, but eastward stretchedsome more land, which also appeared to be of great elevation. Thedistance between these two islands, according to the general opinion,appeared to be about twenty-four miles, and Schouten entered thestrait which divided them. It was so encumbered with whales that theship was obliged to tack more than once to avoid them. The island tothe east received the name of Staten Island, and that to the westthe name of Maurice of Nassau.

The sea was so encumbered with whales.

Twenty-four hours after entering this strait, which received thename of Lemaire, the ship emerged from it, and to an archipelago ofsmall islands situated to starboard was given the name of Barneveldt,in honour of the Grand Pensionary of Holland. In 58° Lemairedoubled Cape Horn—so named in remembrance of the town where theexpedition had been fitted out—and entered the South Sea. Lemaireafterwards went northwards as far as the parallel of the JuanFernandez Islands, where he judged it wise to stop, in order torecruit his men who were suffering from scurvy. As Magellan had done,Lemaire and Schouten passed without perceiving them amongst theprincipal Polynesian archipelagos, and cast anchor on the 10th April,at the Island of Dogs, where it was only possible to procure alittle fresh water and some herbs. They hoped to reach the SolomonIslands, but in the north the Dangerous Archipelago was entered, inwhich were discovered Waterland Island—so named on account of itscontaining a great lake—and Fly Island, because a cloud of theseinsects settled upon the vessel, and it was impossible to get rid ofthem until at the end of four days there was a change of wind.Afterwards Lemaire crossed the Friendly Archipelago, and enteredthat of the Navigators, or of Samoa, of which four small islandsstill retain the names which were then given to them: Goed Hoep,Cocoa, Horn, and Traitors' Islands. The inhabitants of these partsshowed themselves extremely addicted to stealing; they tried to drawout the bolts from the ship and to break the chains. Scurvycontinued to prevail among the crew, and it was therefore a greatboon to receive from the king a present of a black boar and somefruits. The sovereign, who was named Latou, speedily arrived in alarge canoe with sails, in shape like the Dutch sledges (trainaux),escorted by a flotilla of five and twenty boats. The king did notventure himself to go on board the Concorde, but his son was of abolder spirit, and inquired the reason of everything he saw with themost lively curiosity. The next day the number of canoes was greatlyaugmented, and the Dutch perceived by certain indications that anattack was impending. Accordingly, a shower of stones falls on asudden upon the ship, the canoes approach nearer, become annoying,and the Dutch to free themselves from them are forced to resort to adischarge of musketry. This island was rightly named Traitors'Island.

It was now the 18th of May, and Lemaire ordered the course to bechanged, that the Moluccas might be reached by the north of NewGuinea. He probably passed within sight of the Solomon Archipelago,the Admiralty Islands, and the Thousand Islands (Mille Iles),coasting afterwards along New Guinea from 143° to GeelwinkBay. He frequently landed, and gave names to a number of points: thetwenty-five islands which form a part of the Admiralty Archipelago,the High Corner, the High Mountain (Hoogberg)—which seems tocorrespond to a portion of the neighbouring coast of Kornelis-KinerzBay—Moa and Arimoa, two islands again seen later on by Tasman, theisland to which was given the name of Schouten, but which is nowcalled Mysore and which must not be confounded with some otherSchouten Islands situated upon the Coast of Guinea but much fartherto the west, and finally the Cape Goede-Hoep, which appears to beCape Saavedra at the western extremity of Mysore. After sighting thecountry of Papua, Schouten and Lemaire reached Gilolo, one of theMoluccas, where they received an eager welcome from theircompatriots.

When they were thoroughly rested from their fatigues and cured ofscurvy, the Dutch went to Batavia, arriving there on the 23rdOctober, 1616, only thirteen months after quitting the Texel, andhaving lost only thirteen men during the long voyage. But theCompany of the Indies did not at all understand their privilegesbeing infringed upon, and a possibility discovered of reaching thecolonies by a way not foreseen in the letters patent which had beengranted to the Company at the time of its establishment. TheGovernor caused the Concorde to be seized, and arrested herofficers and sailors, whom he sent off to Holland, there to be tried.Poor Lemaire, who had expected a totally different recompense forhis toils and fatigues, and for the discoveries which he had made,could not bear up under the blow which had fallen so unexpectedlyupon him; he fell ill of grief and died in the latitude of theisland of Mauritius. As for Schouten, he appears not to have beenmolested upon his return to his own country, and to have madeseveral voyages to the Indies, which were not distinguished by anyfresh discovery. He was returning to Europe in 1625, when he wasforced by bad weather to enter Antongil Bay, upon the east coast ofMadagascar, where he died.

Such was the history of this important expedition, which by means ofStrait Lemaire opened up a shorter and less dangerous route thanthat by Magellan's Strait, an expedition signalized by severaldiscoveries in Oceania, and by a more attentive exploration ofpoints already seen by Spanish or Portuguese navigators. But it isoften a matter of difficulty to settle with accuracy to which ofthese nations the discovery of certain islands, countries, orarchipelagos in the neighbourhood of Australia, may be due.

Since we are speaking of the Dutch, we shall put the chronologicalorder of discoveries a little on one side, that we may relate aswell as those of Mendana and Quiros, the expeditions of Jan AbelTasman.

What was the early history of Tasman, by what concurrence ofcirc*mstances did he embrace the profession of a sailor, by whatmeans did he acquire the nautical skill and science of which he gaveso many proofs, and which conducted him to his importantdiscoveries? From ignorance we cannot answer these questions, all weknow of his biography commences with his departure from Batavia on2nd June, 1639. After passing the Philippines, he would seem duringthis first voyage to have visited in company with Matthew Quast theBonin Islands, then known by the fantastic title of "the Gold andSilver Islands."

In a second expedition, composed of two vessels of which he had thechief command, and which sailed from Batavia on the 14th of August,1642, he reached the Mauritius on the 5th September, and afterwardssailed to the south-east, seeking for the Australian Continent. Onthe 24th November in latitude 42° 25' south, hediscovered land, to which he gave the name of Van-Diemen, after theGovernor of the Sunda Islands, but which is now with much greaterjustice called Tasmania. He anchored there in Fredrik Hendrik Bay,and ascertained that the country was inhabited, although he couldnot see a single native.

After following this coast for a certain time, he sailed eastwards,with the intention of afterwards making once more for the north, toreach the Solomon Archipelago. On the 13th December, in latitude 42°10', he came in sight of a mountainous country whichhe followed towards the north, until the 18th December, when he castanchor in a bay; but even the boldest of the savages whom he metwith there, did not approach the ship within a stone's throw. Theirvoices were rough, their stature tall, their colour brown incliningto yellow, and their black hair, which was nearly as long as that ofthe Japanese, was worn drawn up to the crown of the head. On themorrow they summoned courage to go on board one of the vessels andcarry on traffic by means of barter. Tasman, upon seeing thesepacific dispositions, despatched a boat for the purpose of obtaininga more accurate knowledge of the shore. Of the sailors who manned it,three were killed without provocation by the natives, while theothers escaped by swimming, and were picked up by the ships' boats,but by the time they were in readiness to fire upon the assailants,these had disappeared. The spot where this sad event happened,received the name of Assassins' (Moordenaars) Bay. Tasman, who feltconvinced that he could not carry on any intercourse with suchfierce people, weighed anchor and sailed up the coast as far as itsextreme point, which he named Cape Maria Van-Diemen, in honour ofhis "lady," for a legend states that having had the audacity topretend to the hand of the daughter of the governor of the EastIndies, the latter had sent him to sea with two dilapidated ships,the Heemskerke and the Zeechen.

Three were killed by the natives without provocation.

The land thus discovered received the name of Staaten Land, soonchanged into that of New Zealand. On the 21st January, 1643, Tasmandiscovered the islands of Amsterdam and Rotterdam, upon which hefound a great quantity of pigs, fowls, and fruit. On the 6thFebruary, the ships entered an archipelago, consisting of a score ofislands, which were called Prince William Islands, and aftersighting Anthong-Java, Tasman followed the coast of New Guinea fromCape Santa Maria, passed by the various points previously discoveredby Lemaire and Schouten, and anchored off Batavia on the 15th Junefollowing, after a ten months' voyage.

In a second expedition, Tasman, in obedience to his orders dated1664, was to visit Van Diemen's Land, and to make a carefulexamination of the western coast of New Guinea, as far as 17°south latitude, in order to ascertain whether that island belongedto the Australian Continent. It does not appear that Tasman carriedout this programme, but the loss of his journals causes completeuncertainty as to the route which he followed, and the discoverieswhich he may have made. From this time there is no record of theevents which marked the close of his career, nor of the place anddate of his death.

From the period of the taking of Malacca by Albuquerque, thePortuguese conceived that a new world extended to the south of Asia.Their ideas were soon shared by the Spaniards, and henceforward aseries of voyages were made on the Pacific Ocean, to search for asouthern continent, of which the existence appeared geographicallynecessary to counterbalance the immense extent of the lands alreadyknown. Java the Great, designated later by the names of New Hollandand Australia, had been seen by the French perhaps, or as is moreprobable by Saavedra, from 1530 to 1540, and it was sought for by acrowd of navigators, amongst whom we may mention the Portuguese,Serrao and Meneses, and the Spaniards, Saavedra, Hernando deGrijalva, Alvarado, and Inigo Ortiz de Retes, who explored thegreater part of the islands to the north of New Guinea, as well asthat great island itself. Afterwards come Mendana, Torrès, andQuiros, upon whose deeds we shall pause a little, on account of theimportance and authenticity of the discoveries which we owe to them.

Alvaro Mendana de Neyra was nephew to the Governor of Lima, DonPedro de Castro, who warmly advocated with the home government hisnephew's project of searching for new countries in the Pacific Ocean.Mendana was one-and-twenty when he took the command of two ships andone hundred and twenty-five soldiers and sailors. He sailed fromCallao, the port of Lima, on the 19th November, 1567. After sightingthe small Island of Jesus, he discovered on the 7th February between7° and 8° south latitude, the Island of Santa Isabella,where the Spaniards built a brigantine, with which they explored thearchipelago of which this island was a part. "The inhabitants," saysthe narrative of a companion of Mendana, "are anthropophagi, theydevour those whom they can make their prisoners in war, and evenwithout being in open hostility, those whom they can succeed intaking by treachery." One of the chiefs in the island sent toMendana as a delicacy, a quarter of a child, but the Spanishcommander caused it to be buried in the presence of the natives, whoappeared much hurt by an act which they could not understand. TheSpaniards explored the Island las Palmas (Palm Island), losRamos—so named because it was discovered on Palm Sunday—GalleyIsland, and Buena-Vista, of which the inhabitants, under theappearance of friendship concealed hostile intentions, which werenot long in displaying themselves. The same reception awaited theSpaniards at the Island San Dimas, at Sesarga, and at Guadalcanar,upon which ginger was found for the first time. In the return voyageto Santa Isabella, the Spaniards pursued a course which enabled themto discover St. George Island, where they found bats as large askites. Scarcely had the crew of the brigantine cast anchor in theharbour of Santa Isabella, than they were obliged again to weigh it,for the place was so unhealthy that five soldiers died and a greatnumber of others were taken ill. Mendana stopped at the Island ofGuadalcanar, where out of ten men who had landed to fetch water, onenegro alone escaped from the attacks of the natives, who wereextremely angry at one of their fellows having been carried off bythe Spaniards. The punishment was terrible; twenty men were killedand a number of houses burnt. Mendana afterwards visited severalislands of the Solomon archipelago, amongst others the Three Mariesand San Juan. Upon the latter island, whilst the ships were beingrepaired and calked, several affrays with the natives occurred, inwhich some prisoners were made. After this checkered rest, Mendanaagain put to sea, and visited the islands of San Christoval, SantaCatalina, and Santa Anna. But as by this time the number of invalidswas considerable, the provisions and ammunition nearly exhausted,and the rigging become rotten, the flotilla now set out to return toPeru. The separation of the flagship, the discovery of certainislands which it is difficult to identify, and probably of theSandwich Islands; violent storms, during which the sails werecarried away; the sickness caused by the insufficiency andputrefaction of the water and biscuit on board, were all incidentssignalizing this long and trying return voyage, which was ended bythe arrival of the ships at the port of Colima in California afterfive months of navigation.

The narrative of Mendana excited no enthusiasm, in spite of the nameof Solomon which he gave to the archipelago discovered by him, tomake it believed that from thence came the treasures of the JewishKing. Marvellous recitals had no longer any fascination for menglutted with the riches of Peru. Proofs were what they demanded; thesmallest nugget of gold, or the least grain of silver would havebeen more satisfactory to them.

Mendana had twenty-seven years to wait before he was able toorganize another expedition, but then his fleet was a large one, itbeing proposed to found a colony in the island of San Christovalwhich Alvaro de Mendana had seen during his first voyage. Thus fourships carrying nearly four hundred people sailed from the port ofLima on the 11th April, 1595. Amongst those on board may be namedDoña Isabella, wife of Mendana, the three brothers-in-law of thegeneral, and the pilot Pedro Fernandez Quiros, who later ondistinguished himself as commander-in-chief of another expedition.The fleet did not finally leave the Peruvian coast, where itsequipment had been completed, until the 16th April. At the end of amonth's navigation, not distinguished by any remarkable incident, anisland was discovered, which according to custom received the nameof the saint whose day it was, and was called Magdalena. Immediatelythe fleet was surrounded by a crowd of canoes bearing more than fourhundred Indians, of fine stature and nearly white, and who whilepresenting cocoa-nuts and other fruits to the sailors, appeared toentreat them to disembark. The natives no sooner came on board thanthey began to pilfer, and it was necessary to fire a cannon to getrid of them; a wound which one of the natives received in the fraysoon changed their disposition, and a discharge of musketry was thereply to the shower of arrows which they let fly from their boats.Not far from this island three others were discovered, San Pedro,Dominica, and Santa Christina, and the name of las Marquezas deMendoça was given to the group, in honour of the governor of Peru.So friendly had been the intercourse at the beginning, that anIndian woman upon seeing the beautiful fair hair of Doña Isabella deMendana had begged her by signs to give her a curl of it; but by thefault of the Spaniards the mutual relations speedily became hostile,and so continued until the day when the natives, becoming consciousof the great inferiority of their arms, begged for peace.

On the 5th August the Spanish flotilla again put to sea and made1200 miles west-north-west. On the 20th August were discovered theSt. Bernard, since called Dangerous Islands, and afterwards QueenCharlotte's Islands, upon which notwithstanding the scarcity ofprovisions, no landing was made. After Solitary Island—a name whichexplains its situation—the Santa Cruz archipelago was reached. Butat this time, during a storm, the flagship became separated from thefleet, and although search was made several times, no tidings of herwere obtained. Fifty canoes, carrying a crowd of natives of a tawnycomplexion, or of a lustrous black, immediately approached the ships."All had frizzled hair, black, red, or some other colour (for it wasdyed); their teeth also were dyed red; the head was half shaven, thebody was naked, except a small veil of fine linen, the face and thearms painted black, glittering and striped with various colours; theneck and limbs loaded with several strings of small beads, of gold,or of black wood, of fishes' teeth, or of a species of medals madeof mother of pearl, or of pearls." For arms they carried bows,poisoned arrows with sharp points hardened in the fire, or tippedwith bone and steeped in the juice of a herb, great stones, heavywooden swords made of stiff wood, with three harpoon points, eachmore than a handbreadth long. Slung over their shoulders they hadhaversacks exceedingly well made out of palm leaves, and filled withbiscuits made from certain roots which serve them for food.

Doña Isabella consults the officers.

At first Mendana thought he recognized in these natives theinhabitants of the islands he was seeking, but he was quicklyundeceived. The vessels were received with a shower of arrows, whichwas the more vexatious because Mendana, seeing that he could notfind the Solomon Islands, had determined to establish his colony inthis archipelago. At this juncture, discord reigned among theSpaniards; a revolt fomented against the general was almostimmediately suppressed, and the guilty were executed. But thesesorrowful events and the fatigues of the voyage had so completelyundermined the health of the head of the expedition, that he died onthe 17th October, after having had time to indicate his wife as hissuccessor in the conduct of the enterprise. After the death ofMendana the hostilities with the natives redoubled, and many of theSpaniards were so exhausted by sickness and hardships, that a scoreof thoroughly determined natives might easily have gained themastery over them. To persist in the intention of founding asettlement under such conditions would have been folly; all agreedin this, and the anchor was raised on the 18th November. DoñaIsabella de Mendana's project was to go to Manilla, and there toobtain recruits from amongst the colonists, with whom she wouldreturn to found a settlement. She consulted the officers, who allgave their approval in writing; and she found in Quiros a devotionand skill which were speedily to be put to a severe proof. They atonce steered away from New Guinea, in order to avoid being entangledamongst the numerous archipelagos surrounding it, and also to enablethem sooner to reach the Philippines, which the dilapidated state ofthe ships rendered necessary. After passing within sight of severalislands surrounded by reefs of madrepore, upon which the crewswished to land, a permission which Quiros with great prudence alwaysrefused, after having been separated from one of the ships of thesquadron, which could not or would not follow, the flotilla arrivedat the Ladrone—soon to be called the Marianne—Islands. TheSpaniards went on shore several times to buy some provisions; thenatives did not desire either their silver or gold, but set thehighest value upon iron and all tools made of that metal. Thenarrative contains here some details upon the veneration shown bythe natives towards their ancestors, which are curious enough towarrant our reproducing them verbatim: "They take out the bones fromthe bodies of their relations, burn the flesh, and mixing the asheswith tuba, a wine made from the cocoa palm, swallow them. Theyweep for the dead every year for a whole week; there are a greatnumber of female mourners, who are to be hired for the purpose.Besides that, all the neighbours come to weep in the house of thedeceased; the compliment being returned to them when the turn comesfor the feast to take place at their house. These anniversaries aremuch frequented, all those assisting at them being liberally regaled.They weep all day and drink to intoxication all night. They recitein the midst of tears, the life and deeds of the dead, beginningwith the moment of his birth, and dealing with the whole course ofhis life, recounting his strength, his height, his beauty, in a word,all that can in any way do him honour. If some amusing action occurin the recital, the company begin to laugh as if they would splittheir sides; then on a sudden they drink and are again drowned intears. There are sometimes two hundred persons present at theseabsurd anniversaries." When the Spanish crew arrived at thePhilippines, it was scarcely more than a company of skeletons,emaciated and half dead with hunger. Doña Isabella landed at Manillaon the 11th February, 1596, under a salute from the guns, and wassolemnly received in the midst of the troops drawn up under arms.The rest of the crew, fifty having died since the departure fromSanta Cruz, were housed and fed at the public expense, and the womenall found husbands in Manilla, except four or five who embraced thereligious life. As for Doña Isabella, she was escorted back to Perusome time afterwards by Quiros, who lost no time in submitting tothe viceroy a project for a fresh voyage. But Luis de Velasco, whohad succeeded Mendoza, referred the navigator to the King of Spainand the Council of the Indies, under the pretext that such adecision would overstep the limits of his authority. Quirostherefore went to Spain and thence to Rome, where he received akindly welcome from the Pope, who recommended him warmly to PhilipIII. At length in 1605, after numberless applications andsolicitations, he was empowered to fit out at Lima the two vesselswhich he should judge the most suitable for the investigation of theAustralian continent and for continuing the discoveries of Mendana.With two ships and one light vessel, Quiros set out from Callao onthe 21st December, 1605. At 3000 miles from Peru he had as yetdiscovered no land. In latitude 25° south he observed a group ofsmall islands belonging to the Dangerous archipelago. These were theConvercion de San Pablo, the Osnabrugh of Wallis, and Decena,so named because it was the tenth island seen. Although this islandwas defended by rocks, intercourse was carried on with the natives,whose dwellings were scattered about amongst palm-trees on the seashore. The natives were strong and well proportioned, and theirchief wore on his head a kind of crown made of small black feathersso fine and supple that they might have been taken for silk. Hisfair hair, which descended to the waist, excited the wonder of theSpaniards, who, not being able to understand how a man with sotawny coloured a face could have such light yellow hair, "chose tothink that he was married, and that he wore his wife's hair." Thissingular colour was only due to the habitual use of powdered lime,which burns the hair and causes it to turn yellow.

This island to which Quiros gave the name of Sagittaria, is,according to Fleurieu, Tahiti, one of the principal of the group ofSociety Islands. On the succeeding days Quiros sighted several otherislands, upon which he did not land, and to which he gave namestaken from the Calendar, according to a practice which has changedall the native nomenclature of Oceania into a veritable litany. Oneisland visited may be especially noticed; it was named the island ofla Gente Hermosa on account of the beauty of its inhabitants, andof the fair colour and coquetry of its women, who, as the Spaniardsdeclared, even bore away the palm for grace and attractiveness fromtheir own fellow-countrywomen of Lima, whose beauty is proverbial.This island, according to Quiros, was situated upon the sameparallel as Santa Cruz, to which he intended to go. He thereforesailed westward and reached an island called by the natives Taumaco,in 10° south latitude and 240 miles east of Santa Cruz. Thismust have been one of the Duff Islands, and here Quiros was toldthat if he directed his course southwards, he would discover a greatland, of which the inhabitants were whiter than those whom he hadhitherto seen. This information determined him to abandon his schemeof going to Santa Cruz. He steered in a south-westerly direction,and after having sighted several small islands, he arrived on the1st May, 1606, in a bay more than twenty-four miles broad. He gaveto this island the name which it still bears, of Espiritu Santo. Itwas one of the New Hebrides group. What events happened during thestay of the ships here? The narrative is silent upon this subject,but we know from other sources that the crew mutinied, made Quirosprisoner, and abandoning the second ship and the brigantine, set outon the 11th June to return to America, where they arrived on the 3rdOctober, 1606, after a nine months' voyage. M. Ed. Charton throws nolight upon this incident. He is silent upon the mutiny of the crew,and even throws all the blame of the separation upon the commanderof the second vessel, Luis Vaes de Torrès, who abandoned his chiefin quitting Espiritu Santo. Now it is known by a letter from Torrèshimself to the King of Spain—published by Lord Stanley at the endof his English edition of Antoine de Morga's History of thePhilippines—that he remained "fifteen" days waiting for Quiros inthe Bay of Saint Philip and Saint James. The officers met in council,resolved to weigh anchor on the 26th June, and to continue thesearch for the Australian continent. Hindered by bad weather, whichprevents him from sailing round Espiritu Santo Island, assailed bythe demands of a crew over whom prevails a slight breath of mutiny,Torrès decides to steer to the north-east to reach the SpanishIslands. In 11° 30' he discovers land, which heimagines must be the commencement of New Guinea. "All this land ispart of New Guinea," says Torrès, "it is peopled by Indians who arenot very white, and who go naked, although their middles are coveredwith the bark of trees.... They fight with javelins, bucklers, andcertain clubs of stone, the whole adorned with beautiful feathers.All along this land there are other inhabited islands. Upon thewhole of this coast there are numerous and vast harbours, with verybroad rivers and great plains. Outside these islands stretch reefsand shallows; the islands are between these dangers and the mainland,and a channel runs between. We took possession of these harbours inyour Majesty's name. Having pursued this coast for 900 miles, andseen our latitude decrease from 2½° until we foundourselves in 9°, at this point commenced a shoal of fromthree to nine fathoms deep, which stretched along the coast to 7½°.Not being able to proceed farther on account of thenumerous shallows and powerful currents which we encountered, wedecided to alter our course to the south-west, by the deep channelwhich has been mentioned, as far as about 11°. There is there,from one end to the other, an archipelago of innumerable islands, bywhich I passed. At the end of the eleventh degree the bottom becamedeeper. There were some very large islands there, and there appearedto be more of them towards the south; they were inhabited by a blackpopulation, very robust and quite naked, bearing for arms, strongand long spears, arrows, and stone clubs roughly fashioned."

Modern geographers are agreed in recognizing in the localities thusdescribed, that portion of the Australian Coast which ends in YorkPeninsula, and the extremity of New Guinea recently visited byCaptain Moresby. It was known that Torrès had entered the straitwhich has been named after him, and which divides New Guinea fromCape York; but the very recent exploration of the south-easternportion of New Guinea, of which the population has been discoveredto be of a comparatively light colour and differing much from thePapous, has just furnished an unexpected confirmation of thediscoveries of Quiros. It is for this reason that we have dwelt atsome length upon them, referring for the purpose to a very learnedwork of M. E. T. Hamy, which appeared in the Bulletin de la Sociétéde Géographie.

It behoves us now to say a few words about some travellers whoexplored some unfrequented countries, and furnished theircontemporaries with more exact knowledge of a world until thenalmost unknown. The first of these travellers is François Pyrard, ofLaval. Having embarked in 1601 on board a St. Malo ship to go to theIndies to trade, he was wrecked in the Maldive Archipelago. Theseislets or atolls (detached coral reefs,) to the number of at least12,000, descend into the Indian Ocean from Cape Comorin as far asthe equator. The worthy Pyrard relates his shipwreck, the flight ofa portion of his companions in captivity in the archipelago, and hislong sojourn of seven years upon the Maldive Islands, a stayrendered almost agreeable by the pains which he took to acquire thenative language. He had plenty of time to learn the manners, customs,religion, and industries of the inhabitants, as well as to study theproductions and climate of the country. Thus his narrative is filledwith details of all kinds, and had retained its attractions untilrecent years, because travellers do not voluntarily frequent thisunhealthy archipelago, the isolated situation of which had kept awayforeigners and conquerors. Pyrard's narrative therefore, is stillinstructive and agreeable reading.

In 1607, a fleet was sent to the Maldives by the King of Bengal, inorder to carry off the 100 or 120 cannon which the Maldive sovereignowed to the wreck of numerous Portuguese vessels. Pyrard,notwithstanding all the liberty allowed him, and that he had becomea landholder, was desirous to behold his beloved Brittany once more.He therefore eagerly embraced this opportunity of quitting theArchipelago with the three companions who out of the whole crewalone remained with him. But the eventful travels of Pyrard were notyet concluded. Taken first to Ceylon, he was carried afterwards toBengal, and endeavoured to reach Cochin. Before reaching this townhe was captured by the Portuguese and carried prisoner to Cochin; heafterwards fell ill and was nursed in the Hospital of Goa which heonly quitted to serve for two years as a soldier, at the end ofwhich time he was again thrown into prison, and it was not until1611, that he was able to revisit the good town of Laval. After somany trials, Pyrard must doubtless have felt the need of repose, andwe are justified in imagining, from the silence of history as to theclose of his life, that he was privileged at length to findhappiness.

While the honest burgess François Pyrard, was, so to speak, in spiteof himself, and from having indulged the desire of making a fortunetoo rapidly, launched into adventures in which he had to pass muchof his life, circ*mstances of a different and romantic kind causedPietro della Valle to determine upon travelling. Descendant of anancient and noble family, he is by turns a soldier of the Pope, anda sailor chasing Barbary corsairs. Upon his return to Rome he findsthat a rival, profiting by his absence, has taken his place with ayoung girl whom he was to have married. So great a misfortunedemands an heroic remedy, and Della Valle makes a vow of pilgrimageto the Holy Sepulchre. But if, as saith the proverb, there is noroad which does not lead to Rome, so there is no circuit so long asnot to lead to Jerusalem, and of this Della Valle was to make proof.He embarks at Venice in 1614, passes thirteen months atConstantinople, reaches Alexandria by sea, afterwards Cairo, andjoins a caravan which at length brings him to Jerusalem. But whileen route, Delia Valle had no doubt imbibed a taste for a traveller'slife, for he visits in succession Baghdad, Damascus, Aleppo, andeven pushes on as far as the ruins of Babylon. We must believe thatDella Valle was marked out as an easy prey to love, for upon hisreturn he becomes enamoured of a young Christian woman of Mardin, ofwondrous beauty, whom he marries. One would imagine that here atlength is fixed the destiny of this indefatigable traveller. Nothingof the kind. Della Valle contrives to accompany the Shah in his waragainst the Turks, and to traverse during four consecutive years theprovinces of Iran. He quits Ispahan in 1621, loses his wife in themonth of December of the same year, causes her to be embalmed, andhas her coffin carried about in his train for four years longer,which he devotes to exploring Ormuz, the western coasts of India,the Persian Gulf, Aleppo, and Syria, landing at length at Naples in1626.

The countries which this singular character visited, urged on as hewas by an extraordinary enthusiasm, are described by him in a shrewd,gay, and natural style, and even with some degree of fidelity. Buthe inaugurates the pleiad of amateur, curious, and commercialtravellers. He is the first of that prolific race of tourists whoeach year encumber geographical literature with numerous volumes,from which the savant finds nothing to glean beyond meagre details.

Tavernier is a specimen of insatiable curiosity. At two-and-twentyhe has traversed France, England, the Low Countries, Germany,Switzerland, Poland, Hungary, and Italy. Then when Europe no longeroffers any food for his curiosity, he starts for Constantinople,where he remains for a year, and then arrives in Persia, where theopportunity and

he sets to work to purchase carpets, stuffs, precious stones, andthose thousand trifles of which lovers of curiosities soon becamepassionately fond, and for which they were ready to pay fabuloussums. The profit which Tavernier realized from his cargo induced himto resume his travels. But like a wise and prudent man, beforestarting he learnt from a jeweller the art of knowing preciousstones. During four successive journeys from 1638 to 1663, hetravelled over Persia, the Mogul Empire, the Indies as far as thefrontier of China, and the Islands of Sunda. Dazzled by the immensefortune which his traffic had obtained for him, Tavernier would playthe lord, and soon saw himself on the verge of ruin, which he hopedto avert by sending one of his nephews to the east with aconsiderable venture, but instead, his ruin was consummated by thisyoung man, who, judging it best to appropriate the goods which hadbeen confided to him, settled down at Ispahan. Tavernier, who was awell-educated man, made a number of interesting observations uponthe history, manners and customs, of the countries which he visited.His narrative certainly contributed to give his contemporaries amuch more correct idea of the countries of the east than theypreviously possessed.

All travellers during the reign of Louis XIV. take the route to theEast Indies, whatever may be the end they have in view. Africa isentirely deserted, and if America be the theatre of any realexploration, it is carried out without aid from government.

Whilst Tavernier was accomplishing his last and distant excursions,a distinguished archæologist, Jean de Thévenot, nephew ofMelchisedec Thévenot—a learned man to whom we owe an interestingseries of travels—journeyed through Europe, and visited Malta,Constantinople, Egypt, Tunis, and Italy. He brought back in 1661 animportant collection of medals and monumental inscriptions,recognized nowadays as so important a help to the historian and thephilologist. In 1664, he set out anew for the Levant, and visitedPersia, Bassorah, Surat, and India, where he saw Masulipatam,Burhampur, Aurungabad, and Golconda. But the fatigues which he hadexperienced prevented his return to Europe, and he died in Armeniain 1667. The success of his narratives was considerable, and waswell deserved by the care and exactitude of a traveller whosescientific attainments in history, geography, and mathematics, farsurpassed the average level of his contemporaries.

We must now speak of the amiable Bernier, the "pretty philosopher,"as he was entitled in his polite circle, in which were found Ninonand La Fontaine, Madame de la Sablière, St. Evremont, and Chapelle,without reckoning many other good and gay spirits, refractories fromthe stiff solemnity which then weighed upon the entourage of LouisXIV. Bernier could not escape from the fashion of travelling. Afterhaving taken a rapid survey of Syria and Egypt, he resided fortwelve years in India, where his good knowledge of medicineconciliated the favour of Aurung-Zebe, and gave him the opportunityof beholding in detail, and with profit, an empire then in the fullbloom of its prosperity.

To the south of Hindostan, Ceylon had more than one surprise inreserve for its explorers. Robert Knox, taken prisoner by thenatives, owed to this sad circ*mstance his long residence in thecountry and the collection of the first authentic documents relatingto the forests and the savage natives of Ceylon, the Dutch, with acommercial jealousy which they were not singular in evincing, havinguntil now kept secret all the information which had come to lightconcerning an island of which they were endeavouring to make acolony.

Jean Chardin. From an old print.

Another merchant, Jean Chardin, the son of a rich Parisian jeweller,jealous of the successes of Tavernier, desired, like him, to makehis fortune by trading in diamonds. The countries which attractthese merchants are those of which the fame for wealth andprosperity is become proverbial; these are Persia and India, whererich costumes sparkle with jewels and gold, and where there aremines of diamonds of a fabulous size. The moment is well chosen forvisiting these countries. Thanks to the Mogul Emperors, civilizationand art have been developed; mosques, palaces, temples have beenbuilt, and towns have risen suddenly. Their taste—that curioustaste, so distinctly characterized, so different from our own,—isdisplayed in the construction of gigantic edifices, quite as much asin jewellery and goldsmith's work, and in the manufacture of thosecostly trifles of which the east was beginning to be passionatelyfond. Like a wise man, Chardin takes a partner, as good aconnoisseur as himself. At first Chardin only traversed Persia inorder to reach Ormuz and to embark for the Indies. The followingyear he returns to Ispahan, and applies himself to learn thelanguage of the country, in order to be able to transact businessdirectly and without any intermediary agent. He has the good fortuneto please the Shah, Abbas II. From that time his fortune is made,for it is at once genteel and also the part of a prudent courtier toemploy the same purveyor as his sovereign. But Chardin had anothermerit besides that of making a fortune. He was able to collect soconsiderable a mass of information concerning the government,manners, creeds, customs, towns, and populations of Persia, that hisnarrative has remained to our own days the vade-mecum of thetraveller. This guide is so much the more precious because Chardintook care to engage at Constantinople a clever draughtsman namedGrelot, by whom were reproduced the monuments, cities, scenes,costumes, and ceremonies which so well portray what Chardin called,"the every day of a people."

When Chardin returned to France in 1670, the Revocation of the Edictof Nantes, with the barbarous persecutions which resulted from it,had chased from their country great numbers of artisans, who, takingrefuge in foreign countries enriched them with our arts andmanufactures. Chardin, being a protestant, clearly perceived thathis religion would hinder him from attaining "to what are termedhonours and advancement." As, to use his own words, "one is not freeto believe what one will," he resolved to return to the Indies"where, without being urged to a change of religion," he could notfail of attaining an honourable position. Thus liberty of consciencewas at that period greater in Persia than in France. Such anassertion on the part of a man who had made the comparison, is butlittle flattering to the grandson of Henry IV.

This time, however, Chardin did not follow the same route as before.He passed by Smyrna and Constantinople, and from thence, crossingthe Black Sea, he landed in the Crimea, in the garb of a religious.Whilst passing through the region of the Caucasus he had theopportunity of studying the Abkasians and Circassians. He afterwardspenetrated into Mingrelia, where he was robbed of his goods andpapers, and of a portion of the jewels which he was taking back toEurope. He could not have escaped himself had it not been for thedevotion to him of the theatines, from whom he had receivedhospitality, but he escaped only to fall into the hands of the Turks,who, in their turn, accepted a ransom for him. After furthermisadventures he arrived at Tiflis on the 17th of December, 1672,and as Georgia was then governed by a prince who was a tributary ofthe Shah of Persia, it was easy for Chardin to reach Erivan, Tauriz,and finally Ispahan.

After a stay of four years in Persia, and a concluding journey toIndia, during which he realized a considerable fortune, Chardinreturned to Europe and settled in England, his own country onaccount of his religion, being forbidden ground to him.

The journal of his travels forms a large work, in which everythingthat concerns Persia is especially developed. The long stay he madein the country and his intimate acquaintance with the highestpersonages of the state enabled him to collect numerous andauthentic documents. It may fairly be said that in this way Persiawas better known in the seventeenth century than it was 100 yearslater.

The countries which Chardin had just explored were visited againsome years later by a Dutch painter, Cornelius de Bruyn, or Le Brun.The great value of his work consists in the beauty and accuracy ofthe drawings which illustrate it, for as far as the text isconcerned, it contains nothing which was not known before, except inwhat relates to the Samoyedes, whom he was the first to visit.

Japanese Warrior. From an old print.

We must now speak of the Westphalian, Kæmpfer, almost a naturalizedSwede in consequence of his long sojourn in Scandinavian countries.He refused the brilliant position which was there offered him inorder to accompany as secretary, an ambassador who was going toMoscow. He was thus enabled to see the principal cities of Russia, acountry which at that period had scarcely entered upon the path ofwestern civilization; afterwards he went to Persia, where he quittedthe Ambassador Fabricius, in order to enter the service of the DutchCompany of the Indies, and to continue his travels. He thus visitedin the first place Persepolis, Shiraz, Ormuz upon the Persian Gulf,where he was extremely ill, and whence he embarked in 1688 for theEast Indies. Arabia Felix, India, the Malabar Coast, Ceylon, Java,Sumatra, and Japan were afterwards all visited by him. The object ofthese journeys was exclusively scientific. Kæmpfer was a physician,but was more especially devoted to the various branches of NaturalHistory, and collected, described, drew, or dried, a considerablenumber of plants then unknown in Europe, gave new information upontheir use in medicine or manufactures, and collected an immenseherbarium, which is now preserved with the greater part of hismanuscripts in the British Museum in London. But the mostinteresting portion of his narrative, now-a-days indeed quiteobsolete and very incomplete since the country has been opened up toour scientific men,—was for a long time that relating to Japan. Hehad contrived to procure books treating of the history, literature,and learning of the country, when he had failed in obtaining fromcertain personages to whom he had rendered himself very acceptable,information which was not usually imparted to foreigners.

To conclude, if all the travellers of whom we have just spoken arenot strictly speaking discoverers, if they do not explore countriesunknown before, they all have, in various degrees and according totheir ability or their studies, the merit of having rendered thecountries which they visited better known. Besides they were able tobanish to the domain of fable, many of the tales which others lesslearned had naïvely accepted, and which had for long become socompletely public property that nobody dreamed of disputing them.

Thanks to these travellers, something is known of the history of theeast, the migrations of nations began to be dimly suspected, andaccounts to be given of the changes in those great empires of whichthe very existence had been long problematical.

CHAPTER VI.

William Dampier; or a Sea-King of the Seventeenth Century.

William Dampier was born in 1612 at East co*ker, and by the death ofhis parents was from his childhood left to his own control. Notpossessing any great taste for study, he preferred running wild inthe woods, and fighting with his companions, to remaining in hisplace on the school benches. While still young he was sent to sea ascabin-boy on board merchant ships. After a voyage to Newfoundlandand a campaign in the East Indies, he took service in the NavalMarine, and being wounded in a battle, returned to Greenwich to benursed. Free from any prejudices, Dampier forgot his engagement whenhe left the Military Hospital, and started for Jamaica in theposition of manager of a plantation. It did not require a long trialto discover that this occupation was not to his taste. So heabandoned his negroes at the end of six months, and went on board aship bound for the Bay of Campeachy, where he worked for three yearsat gathering in woods for dyeing.

At the end of that period he is again found in London, but the lawsand the officers charged with compelling their observance are toostrict for his comfort. He goes back to Jamaica, where he speedilyputs himself into communication with those famous buccaneers andcorsairs, who at that time did so much harm to the Spaniards.

These English or French adventurers, established in the Island ofTortuga, off the coast of San Domingo, had sworn implacable hatredto Spain. Their ravages were not confined to the Gulf of Mexico:they crossed the Isthmus of Panama and devastated the coast of thePacific Ocean from the Strait of Magellan to California. Terrorexaggerated the exploits of these pirates, which however presentedsomething of the marvellous.

It was amongst these adventurers, then commanded by Harris, Sawkins,and Shays, that Dampier enrolled himself. In 1680 we find him inDarien, where he pillages Santa Maria, endeavours in vain tosurprise Panama, and with his companions, on board of some wretchedcanoes stolen from the Indians, captures eight vessels well armed,which were at anchor not far from the town. In this affair thelosses of the corsairs are so great in the fight, and the spoil isso poor, that they separate from each other. Some go back to theGulf of Mexico, while others establish themselves upon the island ofJuan Fernandez, whence shortly after they attack Arica. But hereagain they were so roughly handled that a new secession takes place,and Dampier is sent to Virginia, where his captain hoped to makesome recruits. There Captain Cook was fitting out a vessel, with theintention of reaching the Pacific by the Strait of Magellan, andDampier joins the expedition. It begins by privateering upon theAfrican coast, in the Cape de Verd Islands, at Sierra Leone, and inthe River Scherborough, for this is the route habitually taken bythe ships going to South America. In 36° south latitude,Dampier, who notes in his journal every interesting fact, remarksthat the sea is become white or rather pale, but of this he cannotexplain the reason, which he might easily have done had he made useof the microscope. The Sebaldine Islands are passed without incident,the Strait of Le Maire is traversed, Cape Horn is doubled on the 6thFebruary, 1684, and as soon as he can escape from the storms whichusually assail ships entering the Pacific, Captain Cook arrives atthe island of Juan Fernandez, where he hopes to revictual. Dampierwondered if he would find a Nicaraguan Indian there, who had beenleft behind in 1680 by Captain Sharp. "This Indian had remainedalone upon the island for more than three years. He had been in thewoods hunting goats when the English captain had ordered his men tore-embark, and they had set sail without perceiving his absence. Hehad only his gun and his knife, with a small horn of powder and alittle lead; when his powder and lead were exhausted he hadcontrived to saw the barrel of his gun into small pieces with hisknife, and out of them to make harpoons, spears, fish hooks and along knife. With these instruments he obtained all the supplieswhich the island afforded: goats and fish. At the distance of half amile from the sea, he had a small hut covered with goat skins. Hehad no clothes left, but an animal's skin covered his loins." Wehave dwelt at some length upon this involuntary hermit because heserved Daniel de Foe as the original of his "Robinson Crusoe," aromance which has formed the delight of every child.

We shall not relate minutely all the expeditions in which Dampierparticipated. Suffice it to mention that in this campaign he visitedthe Gallapagos Islands. In 1686, Dampier was serving on board ofCaptain Swan's ship, who, seeing that the greater part of hisenterprises failed, went to the East Indies, where the Spaniardswere less upon their guard, and where the corsairs reckoned uponseizing the Manilla galleon. But when our adventurers arrived atGuaham, they had only three days' provisions, and the sailors hadplotted if the voyage should be prolonged, to eat in turn all thosewho had declared themselves in favour of the voyage, and to beginwith the captain who had proposed it. Dampier's turn would have comenext. "Thus it came to pass," says he very humourously, "that afterhaving cast anchor at Guaham, Swan embraced him and said: 'AhDampier, you would have made them but a sorry meal.' He was right,"he adds, "for I was as thin and lean, as he was fat and plump."Mindanao, Manilla, certain parts of the Chinese coasts, the Moluccas,New Holland, and the Nicobar Islands, were the places visited andplundered by Dampier in this campaign. In the last-named archipelagohe became separated from his companions, and was discovered halfdead upon the coast of Sumatra.

"Ah! Dampier, you would have afforded them but a sorry meal."

During this voyage, Dampier had discovered several hitherto unknownislands, and especially the Baschi group. Like the thoroughadventurer he was, immediately he recovered his health he travelledover the south of Asia, Malacca, Tonkin, Madras, and Bencoolen,where he enrolled himself as an artilleryman in the English service.Five months afterwards he deserted and returned to London. Thenarrative of his adventures and his privateering obtained for him acertain amount of sympathy amongst the higher classes, and he waspresented to the Earl of Oxford, Lord High Admiral. He speedilyreceived the command of the ship Roebuck to attempt a voyage ofdiscovery in the seas which he had already explored. He left Englandon the 14th January, 1699, with the intention of passing through theStrait of Magellan, or of making the tour of Tierra del Fuego, so asto commence his discoveries on the coasts of the Pacific, which hadhitherto received the visits of a comparatively small number oftravellers. After crossing the line on the 10th March, he sailed forBrazil, where the ship was revictualled. Far from being able againto descend the coast of Patagonia, he beheld himself driven by thewind to forty-eight miles south of the Cape of Good Hope, whence hesteered east-south-east towards New Holland, a long passage whichwas not signalized by any adventure. On the 1st August, Dampier sawland, and at once sought for a harbour in which to land. Five dayslater he entered the Bay of Sea-Dogs upon the western coast ofAustralia; but he only found there a sterile soil, and met withneither water nor vegetation. Until the 31st August, he sailed alongthis coast without discovering what he sought. Once when he landed,he had a slight skirmish with some of the inhabitants, who seemed tobe very thinly scattered over the country. Their chief was a youngman of middle height, but quick and vigilant; his eyes weresurrounded by a single ring of white paint, while a stripe of thesame colour descended from the top of his forehead to the end of hisnose; his chest and arms were likewise striped with white. Hiscompanions were black, fierce in aspect, their hair woolly, and inshape they were tall and slender.

For five weeks Dampier hovered near land, and found neither waternor provisions; however, he would not give in, and intended tocontinue to ascend the coast northwards, but the shallows which heincessantly encountered, and the monsoon from the north-west whichwas soon due, obliged him to give up the enterprise, after havingdiscovered more than 900 miles of the Australian continent. Heafterwards steered towards Timor, where he intended to repose andrecruit his crew, exhausted by the long voyage. But he knew littleof these parts, and his charts were quite insufficient. He wastherefore obliged to make a reconnaissance of it, as if the Dutchhad not already been long settled there. Thus he discovered apassage between Timor and Anamabao, in a locality in which his maponly indicated a bay. The arrival of Dampier in a port known only tothemselves, astonished and greatly displeased the Dutch. Theyimagined that the English could only have reached it by means ofcharts taken on board a ship of their own. However, in the end theyrecovered from their fright and received the strangers with kindness.

Although the precursors of the monsoon were making themselves felt,Dampier again put to sea, and steered towards the western coast ofNew Guinea, where he arrived on the 4th February, 1700, near to CapeMaho of the Dutch. Amongst the things which struck him, Dampiernotices the prodigious quantities of a species of pigeon, bats ofextraordinary size, and scallops, a kind of shell fish, of which theempty shell weighed as much as 258 lbs. On the 7th of February heapproaches King William's Island and runs to the east, where he soonsights the Cape of Good Hope of Schouten, and the island named afterthat navigator. On the 24th the crew witnessed a curious spectacle:"Two fish, which had accompanied the vessel for five or six days,perceived a great sea serpent, and began to pursue it. They wereabout the shape and size of mackerel, but yellow and green in colour.The serpent, who fled from them with great swiftness, carried hishead out of the water, and one of them attempted to seize his tail.As soon as he turned round, the first fish remained in the rear, andthe other took his place. They retained their wind for a long time,always heedful to defend themselves by flight, until they were lostto view."

On the 25th, Dampier gave the name of Saint Matthias to amountainous island, thirty miles long, situated above and to theeast of the Admiralty Islands. Further on at the distance oftwenty-one or twenty-four miles, he discovered another island, whichreceived the name of Squally Island, on account of violentwhirlwinds which prevented him from landing upon it. Dampierbelieved himself to be on the coast of New Guinea, while he was inreality sailing along that of New Ireland. He endeavoured to landthere, but he was surrounded by canoes carrying more than 200natives, and the shore was covered by a large crowd. Seeing that itwould be imprudent to send a boat on shore, Dampier ordered the shipto be put about. Scarcely was the order given, when the ship wasassailed by showers of stones, which the natives hurled from amachine of which Dampier could not discover the shape, but whichcaused the name of Slingers' Bay to be given to this locality. Asingle discharge of cannon stupefied the natives, and put an end tohostilities. A little further on, at some distance from the coast ofNew Ireland, the English discover the Islands of Denis and St. John.Dampier is the first to pass through the strait which separates NewIreland from New Britain, and discovers Vulcan, Crown, G. Rook, LongReach and Burning Islands.

Battle in Slingers' Bay.

After this long cruise, distinguished by important discoveries,Dampier again steered towards the west, reached Missory Island, andat length arrived at the Island of Ceram, one of the Moluccas, wherehe made a somewhat long stay. He went afterwards to Borneo, passedthrough the Strait of Macassar, and on the 23rd of June anchored atBatavia, in the Island of Java. He remained there until the 17th ofOctober, when he set out for Europe. On arriving at the Island ofAscension on the 23rd of February, 1701, his vessel had soconsiderable a leak that it was impossible to stop it. It wasnecessary to run the ship aground and to put the crew and cargo onshore. Happily there was no want of water, turtles, goats, andland-crabs, which prevented any fear of dying of hunger before someship should call at the island, and transport the shipwreckedsailors to their country. For this they had not long to wait, for onthe 2nd of April an English vessel took them on board and carriedthem to England. We shall have occasion again to speak of Dampierwith relation to the voyages of Wood Rodgers.

Hudson and Baffin—Champlain and La Sale—The English upon the coastof the Atlantic—The Spaniards in South America—Summary of theinformation acquired at the close of the 17th century—The measureof the terrestrial degree—Progress of cartography—Inauguration ofMathematical Geography.

Although the attempts to find a passage by the north-west had beenabandoned by the English for twenty years, they had not, however,given up the idea of seeking by that way, for a passage which wasonly to be discovered in our own days, and of which the absoluteimpracticability was then to be ascertained. A clever sailor, HenryHudson, of whom Ellis says, "that never did any one betterunderstand the seafaring profession, that his courage was equal toany emergency, and that his application was indefatigable,"concluded an agreement with a company of merchants to search for thepassage by the north-west. On the 1st of May, 1607, he sailed fromGravesend in the Hopewell, a craft about the size of one of thesmallest of modern collier brigs, and having on board a crew oftwelve men; and on the 13th of June, reached the eastern coast ofGreenland at 73°, and gave it a name answering to the hopeshe entertained, in calling it Cape Hold with Hope. The weather herewas finer and less cold than it had been ten degrees southwards. Bythe 27th of June, Hudson had advanced 5° more to the north,but on the 2nd of July, by one of the sudden changes which sofrequently occur in those countries, the cold became severe. The sea,however, remained free, the air was still, and drift wood floatedabout in large quantity. On the 14th of the same month, in 33°23', the master's mate and the boatswain of thevessel landed upon a shore which formed the northern part ofSpitzbergen. Traces of musk oxen, and foxes, great abundance ofaquatic birds, two streams of fresh water, one of them being warm,proved to our navigators that it was possible to live in theseextreme latitudes at this period of the year. Hudson, who hadre-embarked without delay, found himself arrested at the height of82°, by thick pack ice, which he endeavoured in vain topenetrate or sail round. He was compelled to return to England,where he arrived on September 15th, after having discovered anisland, which is probably that of Jan Mayen. The route followed inthis first voyage having had no result towards the north, Hudsonwould try another, and accordingly set sail on April 21st in thefollowing year, and advanced between Spitzbergen and Nova Zembla;but he could only follow for a certain distance the coast of thatvast land, without being able to attain as high an elevation as hehad wished. The failure of this second attempt was more completethan that of the voyage of 1607. In consequence, the English Company,which had defrayed the expenses of both attempts, declined toproceed further. This was doubtless the reason which decided Hudsonto take service in Holland.

The Company of Amsterdam gave him, in 1609, the command of a vessel,with which he set sail from the Texel at the beginning of the year.Having doubled the North Cape, he advanced along the coasts of NovaZembla; but his crew, composed of English and Dutch, who had madevoyages to the East Indies, were soon disheartened by the cold andice. Hudson found himself forced to change his route, and to proposeto his sailors, who were in open mutiny, to seek for a passage,either by Davis' Strait, or the coasts of Virginia, where, accordingto the information of Captain Smith, who had frequently visited them,an outlet must surely be found. The choice of this crew, littleaccustomed to discipline, could not be doubtful. In order not torender the outlay of the Company completely abortive, Hudson wasobliged to make for the Faröe Islands, to descend southward as lowas 44°, and to search on the coast of America for the strait,of the existence of which he had been assured. On July 18th, hedisembarked on the continent, in order to replace his foremast,which had been broken in a storm; and he took the opportunity ofbartering furs with the natives. But his undisciplined sailors,having by their exactions roused the indignation of the poor andpeaceable natives, compelled him again to set sail. He continued tofollow the coast until August 3rd, and then landed a second time. At40° 30', he discovered a great bay which he exploredin a canoe for more than 150 miles. In the meantime, his provisionsbegan to run short, and it was impossible to procure supplies onland. The crew, which appears to have imposed its wishes on itscaptain during this whole voyage, assembled; some proposed to winterin Newfoundland, in order to resume the search for the passage inthe following year; others wished to make for Ireland. This latterproposition was adopted; but when they approached the shores ofGreat Britain, the land proved so attractive to his men, that Hudsonwas obliged, on November 7th, to cast anchor at Dartmouth.

The following year, 1610, notwithstanding all the mortificationswhich he had experienced, Hudson tried to renew his engagement withthe Dutch company. But the terms which they named as the price oftheir concurrence compelled him to renounce the project, and inducedhim to submit to the requirements of the English Company. Thiscompany imposed on Hudson as a condition, that he should carry onboard, rather as an assistant than as a subordinate, a clever seaman,named Coleburne, in whom they had full confidence. It is easy tounderstand how mortifying this condition was to Hudson. Accordingly,he took the earliest opportunity of ridding himself of thesuperintendent who had been imposed upon him. He had not yet leftthe Thames when he sent Coleburne back to shore with a letter forthe Company, in which he endeavoured to palliate and justify thiscertainly very strange proceeding.

Towards the end of May, when the ship had cast anchor in one of theports of the island, the crew formed on the subject of Coleburne,its first conspiracy, which was repressed without difficulty, andwhen Hudson quitted the island on June 1st, he had re-establishedhis authority. After having passed Frobisher's Strait, he sightedthe land of Desolation of Davis, entered the strait which hasreceived his name, and speedily penetrated into a wide bay, theentire western coast of which he examined until the beginning ofSeptember. At this epoch, one of the inferior officers, continuingto excite revolt against his chief, was superseded; but this act ofjustice only exasperated the sailors. In the early part of November,Hudson, having arrived at the extremity of the bay, sought for anappropriate spot to winter in, and having soon found one, drew upthe ship on dry land. It is difficult to understand such aresolution. On the one hand, Hudson had left England with provisionsfor six months only, which had already been largely reduced, and hecould scarcely reckon, considering the barrenness of the country,upon procuring a further supply of nourishment; on the other, thecrew had exhibited such numerous signs of mutiny, that he couldhardly rely upon its discipline and good will. Nevertheless,although the English were often obliged to content themselves withscanty rations, they did not, owing to the arrival of great numbersof birds, pass a very distressing winter. But, on the return ofspring, as soon as the ship was prepared to resume her route toEngland, Hudson found that his fate was decided. He made hisarrangements accordingly, distributed to each his share of biscuit,paid the wages due, and awaited the course of events. He had notlong to wait. The conspirators seized their captain, his son, avolunteer, the carpenter, and five sailors, put them on board a boat,without arms, provisions, or instruments, and abandoned them to themercy of the ocean. The culprits reached England again, but not all;two were killed in an encounter with the Indians, another died ofsickness, while the others were sorely tried by famine. Eventually,no prosecution was commenced against them. Only, the Company, in1674, procured employment, on board a vessel, for the son of HenryHudson, "lost in the discovery of the North-west," the son beingentirely destitute of resources.

Hudson abandoned by his crew.

The expeditions of Hudson were followed by those of Button and ofGibbons, to whom we owe, if not new discoveries, importantobservations on the tides, the variation of the weather and thetemperature, and on a number of natural phenomena.

In 1615, the English Company entrusted to Byleth, who had taken partin the last voyages, the command of a vessel of fifty tons. Her name,the Discovery, was of good augury. She carried, as pilot, thefamous William Baffin, whose renown has eclipsed that of his captain.Setting sail from England on April 13th, the English explorerssighted Cape Farewell by the 6th of May, passed from the Island ofDesolation to the Savage Islands, where they met with a great numberof natives, and ascended north-westward as high as 64°. OnJuly 10th, land appeared on the starboard, and the tide flowed fromthe north; from which they conceived so much hope of the passagesought for, that they gave to the cape, discovered on this spot, thename of Comfort. It was probably Cape Walsingham, for theyascertained, after doubling it, that the land inclined towards thenorth-east, and the east. It was at the entry of Davis' Strait, thattheir discoveries came to an end for this year. They returned toPlymouth on September 9th, without having lost a single man.

So strong were the hopes entertained by Byleth and Baffin, that theyobtained permission to put to sea again in the same vessel thefollowing year. On May 14th, 1616, after a voyage in which nothingworthy of remark occurred, the two captains penetrated into Davis'Strait, sighted Cape Henderson's Hope, the extreme point formerlyreached by Davis, and ascended as high as 72° 40' tothe Women's Island, thus named after some Esquimaux females whomthey met with. On June 12th, Byleth and Baffin were forced by theice to enter a bay on the coast. Some Esquimaux brought them a greatquantity of horns, without doubt tusks of walruses, or horns of muskoxen; from which they named the bay Horn Sound. After remaining somedays in this place, they were able to put to sea again. On settingout from 75° 40', they encountered a vast expanse ofwater free from ice, and penetrated, without much danger, beyond the78° of latitude, to the entrance of the strait, whichprolonged northwards the immense bay which they had just traversed,and which received the name of Baffin. Then turning to the west, andafterwards to the south-west, Byleth and Baffin discovered the CareyIslands, Jones Strait, Coburg Island, and Lancaster Strait, andafterwards they descended along the entire western shore of Baffin'sBay as far as Cumberland Land. Despairing then of being able tocarry his discoveries further, Byleth, who had several men among hiscrew afflicted with scurvy, found himself obliged to return to theshores of England, where he disembarked at Dover, on August 30th.

If this expedition terminated again in failure, in the sense thatthe north-west passage was not discovered, the results obtained werenevertheless considerable. Byleth and Baffin had prodigiouslyincreased the knowledge of the seas and coasts in the quarters ofGreenland. The captain and the pilot, in writing to the Director ofthe Company, assured him that the bay which they had visited was anexcellent spot for fishing, in which thousands of whales, seals, andwalruses, disported themselves. The event could not be long in amplyproving the correctness of this information.

Let us now descend again upon the coast of America, as far as Canada,and see what had happened since the time of Jacques Cartier. Thislatter, we may remember, had made an attempt at colonization, whichhad not produced any important results. Nevertheless, some Frenchmenhad remained in the country, had married there, and founded familiesof colonists. From time to time, they received reinforcementsbrought by fishing vessels from Dieppe or St. Malo. But it wasdifficult to establish a current of emigration. It was under thesecirc*mstances that a gentleman, named Samuel de Champlain, a veteranof the wars of Henry IV., and who, for two years and a half, hadfrequented the East Indies, was engaged by the Commander of Chasteswith the Sieur de Pontgravé, to continue the discoveries of JacquesCartier, and to choose the situations most favourable for theestablishment of towns and centres of population. This is not theplace for us to consider the manner in which Champlain understoodthe business of a colonizer, nor his great services, which mightwell entitle him to be called the father of Canada. We will,therefore, advisedly leave this aspect of his undertaking, not theleast brilliant, in order simply to occupy ourselves with thediscoveries which he effected in the interior of the continent.

Setting sail from Honfleur, on March 15th, 1603, the two chiefs ofthe enterprise first ascended the St. Lawrence, as far as theharbour of Tadoussac, 240 miles from its mouth. They were welcomedby the populations, which had, however, "neither faith, nor law, andlived without God, and without religion, like brute beasts." At thisplace they quitted their ships, which could not have advancedfurther without danger, and reached in a boat the Fall of St. Louis,where Jacques Cartier had been stopped; they even penetrated alittle into the interior, and then returned to France, whereChamplain printed a narrative of the voyage for the king.

Henry IV. resolved to continue the enterprise. In the meantime M. deChastes having died, his privilege was transferred to M. de Monts,with the title of Vice-admiral and Governor of Acadia. Champlainaccompanied M. de Monts to Canada, and passed three whole years,whether in aiding by his counsels and his exertions the efforts ofcolonization, or in exploring the coasts of Acadia, the bearings ofwhich he took beyond Cape Cod, or in making excursions into theinterior and visiting the savage tribes which it was important toconciliate. In 1607, after a new voyage to France to recruitcolonists, Champlain returned again to New France, and founded, in1608, a town which was to become Quebec. The following year wasdevoted to again ascending the St. Lawrence, and ascertaining itscourse. On board of a pirogue, with two companions only, Champlainpenetrated, with some Algonquins, to the Iroquois, and remainedconqueror in a great battle fought on the borders of a lake whichhas received his name; he then descended the river Richelieu, as faras the St. Lawrence. In 1610, he made a fresh incursion into theterritory of the Iroquois, at the head of his allies, the Algonquins,whom he had the greatest possible difficulty in making observe theEuropean discipline. In this campaign he employed instruments ofwarfare which greatly astonished the savages, and easily secured himthe victory. For the attack of a village, he constructed a cavalierof wood, which 200 of the most powerful men "carried before thisvillage to within a pike's length, and displayed three arquebusierswell protected from the arrows and stones which might be shot orlaunched at them." A little later, we see him exploring the riverOttawa, and advancing, in the north of the continent, to within 225miles of Hudson's Bay. After having fortified Montreal, in 1615, hetwice ascended the Ottawa, explored Lake Huron, and arrived by landat Lake Ontario, which he crossed.

Siege of a village by Champlain.

It is very difficult to divide into two parts a life so occupied asChamplain's. All his excursions, all his reconnaissances, had butone object, the development of the work to which he had consecratedhis existence. Thus detached from what gives them their interest,they appear to us unimportant; and yet if the colonial policy ofLouis XIV. and his successor had been different, we should possessin America a colony which assuredly would not yield in prosperity tothe United States. Notwithstanding our abandonment, Canada haspreserved a fervent love for the mother country.

We must now leap over a period of forty years, to arrive at RobertCavelier de la Sale. During this time, the French establishmentshave acquired some importance in Canada, and have extendedthemselves over a great part of North America. Our hunters andtrappers scour the woods, and bring, every year, with their load offurs, new information respecting the interior of the continent. Inthis latter task they are powerfully seconded by the missionaries,in the first rank of whom we must place Father Marquette, whom theextent of his voyages on the great lakes and as far as theMississippi marks out for special acknowledgment. Two men, besides,deserve to be mentioned for the encouragements and facilities whichthey afforded to the explorers, viz., M. de Frontenac, Governor ofNew France, and Talon, intendant of justice and police. In 1678,there arrived in Canada, without any settled purpose, a young mannamed Cavelier de la Sale. "He was born at Rouen," says FatherCharlevoix, "of a family in easy circ*mstances; but having passedsome years with the Jesuits, he had had no share in the inheritanceof his parents. He had a cultivated mind, he wished to distinguishhimself, and he felt within himself sufficient genius and courage toensure success. In reality, he was not deficient in resolution toenter upon, nor in perseverance to follow up, an undertaking, nor infirmness in contending against obstacles, nor in resource to repairhis losses; but he knew not how to make himself loved, nor how tomanage those of whom he stood in need, and when he had attainedauthority, he exercised it with harshness and arrogance. With suchdefects he could not be happy, and in fact he was not."

Father Charlevoix's portrait appears to us somewhat too black, andhe does not seem to estimate at its true value the great discoverywhich we owe to Cavelier de la Sale; a discovery, which has nothinglike it, we do not say equal to it, except that of the river Amazon,by Orellana, in the 16th century, and that of the Congo, by Stanley,in the 19th. However this may be, no sooner had he arrived in thecountry, than he set himself, with extraordinary application, tostudy the native idioms, and to associate with the savages in orderto render himself familiar with their manners and habits. At thesame time he gathered from the trappers a mass of information on thesituation of the rivers and lakes. He communicated his projects ofexploration to M. de Frontenac, who encouraged him, and gave him thecommand of a fort constructed at the outlet of the lake into the St.Lawrence. In the meantime, one Jolyet arrived at Quebec. He broughtthe news that in company with Father Marquette and four otherpersons, he had reached a great river called the Mississippi,flowing towards the south. Cavelier de la Sale very soon understoodwhat advantage might be derived from an artery of this importance,especially if the Mississippi had, as he believed, its mouth in theGulf of Mexico. By the lakes and the Illinois, an affluent of theMississippi, it was easy to effect a communication between the St.Lawrence, and the Sea of the Antilles. What marvellous profit wouldFrance derive from this discovery! La Sale explained the projectwhich he had conceived to the Count of Frontenac, and obtained fromhim very pressing letters of recommendation to the Minister ofMarine. On arriving in France, La Sale learned the death of Colbert;but he remitted to his son, the Marquis of Seignelay, who hadsucceeded him, the despatches of which he was the bearer. Thisproject, which appeared to rest upon solid foundations, could notfail to please a young minister. Accordingly, Seignelay presented LaSale to the king, who caused letters of nobility to be prepared forhim, granted him the Seignory of Catarocouy, and the government ofthe fort which he had built, with the monopoly of commerce in thecountries which he might discover.

La Sale had also found means to procure the patronage of the Princede Conti, who asked him to take with him the Chevalier Tonti, son ofthe inventor of the Tontine, in whom he felt an interest. He was forLa Sale a precious acquisition. Tonti, who had made a campaign inSicily, where his hand had been carried off by the explosion of agrenade, was a brave and skilful officer, who always showed himselfextremely devoted.

La Sale and Tonti embarked at Rochelle, on July 14th, 1678, carryingwith them about thirty men, workmen and soldiers, and a Recollet(monk), Father Hennepin, who accompanied them in all their voyages.

Then La Sale, being conscious that the execution of his projectrequired more considerable resources than those which were at hisdisposal, constructed a boat upon the Lake Erie, and devoted a wholeyear to scouring the country, visiting the Indians, and carrying onan active trade in furs, which he stored in his fort of Niagara,while Tonti pursued the same course in other directions. At length,towards the middle of August, of the year 1679, his boat, theGriffon, being prepared for sailing, he embarked on the Lake Erie,with thirty men, and three Fathers, Recollets, for Machillimackinac.In crossing the lakes St. Clair and Huron, he experienced a violentstorm, which caused the desertion of some of his people, whom,however, Tonti brought back to him. La Sale arrived atMachillimackinac, and very soon entered the Green Bay. But duringthis time his creditors at Quebec had sold all that he possessed,and the Griffon, which he had despatched, laden with furs, to thefort of Niagara, was either lost or pillaged by the Indians; whichof these took place has never been precisely ascertained. Forhimself, although the departure of the Griffon had displeased hiscompanions, he continued his route, and reached the river St. Joseph,where he found an encampment of Miamis, and where Tonti speedilyrejoined him. Their first care was to construct a fort on this spot.Then they crossed the dividing line of the water between the basinof the great lakes, and that of the Mississippi; they subsequentlyreached the river of the Illinois, an affluent on the left of thatgreat river. With his small band of followers, upon whose fidelityhe could not entirely depend, the situation of La Sale was critical,in the midst of an unknown country, and among a powerful nation, theIllinois, who, at first allies of France, had been prejudiced andexcited against us by the Iroquois and the English, jealous of theprogress of the Canadian colony.

Nevertheless, it was necessary, at all cost, to attach to himselfthese Indians, who from their situation, were able to hinder allcommunication between La Sale and Canada. In order to strike theirimagination, Cavelier de la Sale proceeds to their encampment, wheremore than 3000 men are assembled. He has but twenty men, but hetraverses their village haughtily, and stops at some distance. TheIllinois, who have not yet declared war, are surprised. They advancetowards him, and overwhelm him with pacific demonstrations. Soversatile is the spirit of the savages! Such an impression doesevery mark of courage make upon them! Without delay, La Sale takesadvantage of their friendly dispositions, and erects upon the verysite of their camp, a small fort, which he calls Crèvecoeur, inallusion to the troubles which he has already experienced. There heleaves Tonti with all his people, and he himself, anxious about thefate of the Griffon, returns with three Frenchmen and one Indian,to the fort of Catarocouy, separated by 500 leagues from Crèvecoeur.Before setting out, he had detached with Father Hennepin, one of hiscompanions named Dacan, on a mission to reascend the Mississippibeyond the river of the Illinois, and if possible, to its source."These two travellers," says Father Charlevoix, "set out from thefort of Crèvecoeur, on February 28th, and having entered theMississippi, ascended it as far as 46° of north latitude.There they were stopped by a considerable waterfall, extending quiteacross the river, to which Father Hennepin gave the name of St.Anthony of Padua. Then they fell, I know not by what mischance, intothe hands of the Sioux, who kept them for a long time prisoners."

On his journey back to Catarocouy, La Sale, having discovered a newsite appropriate to the construction of a fort, summoned Tontithither, who immediately set to work, while La Sale continued hisroute. This is Fort St. Louis. On his arrival at Catarocouy, La Salelearned news which would have broken down a man of a less hardytemperament. Not only had the Griffon, on board of which he hadfurs of the value of 10,000 crowns, been lost, but a vessel whichwas bringing him from France a cargo worth 880l. had beenshipwrecked, and his enemies had spread a report of his death.Having no further business at Catarocouy, and having proved by hispresence that the reports of his disappearance were all false, hearrived again at the fort of Crèvecoeur, where he was muchastonished to find no one.

This is what had happened. While the Chevalier Tonti was employed inthe construction of Fort St. Louis, the garrison of Fort Crèvecoeurhad mutinied, had pillaged the magazines, had done the same at FortMiami, and then fled to Machillimackinac. Tonti, almost alone inface of the Illinois, who were roused against him by thedepredations of his men, and judging that he could not resist in hisfort of Crèvecoeur, had left it on September 11th, 1680, with thefive Frenchmen who composed his garrison, and had retired as far asthe bay of the Lake Michigan. After having placed a garrison atCrèvecoeur and at Fort St. Louis, La Sale came to Machillimackinac,where he rejoined Tonti, and together they set out again from thencetowards the end of August for Catarocouy, whence they embarked onthe Lake Erie with fifty-five persons, on August 28th, 1681. After ajourney of 240 miles along the frozen river of the Illinois, theyreached Fort Crèvecoeur, where the water, free from ice, permittedthe use of their canoes. On February 6th, 1682, La Sale arrived atthe confluence of the Illinois and the Mississippi. He descended theriver, sighted the mouth of the Missouri, and that of the Ohio,where he raised a fort, penetrated into the country of the Arkansas,of which he took possession in the name of France, crossed thecountry of the Natchez, with whom he made a treaty of friendship,and finally passed out into the Gulf of Mexico on April 9th, after anavigation of 1050 miles in a mere bark. The anticipations soskilfully conceived by Cavelier de la Sale, were realized. Heimmediately took formal possession of the country, to which he gavethe name of Louisiana, and called the immense river which he hadjust discovered the St. Louis.

La Sale's return to Canada occupied not less than one year and ahalf. There is no ground for astonishment, when all the obstaclesscattered in his path are considered. What energy, what strength ofmind were requisite in one of the greatest travellers of whom Francehas reason to be proud, to succeed in such an enterprise!

Unhappily, a man, otherwise well intentioned, but who allowedhimself to be prejudiced against La Sale by his numerous enemies, M.Lefèvre de la Barre, who had succeeded M. de Frontenac as governorof Canada, wrote to the Minister of Marine, that the discoveries ofLa Sale were not to be regarded as of much importance. "Thistraveller," he said "was actually, with about twenty Frenchvagabonds and savages, at the extremity of the bay, where he playedthe part of sovereign, plundered and ransomed those of his ownnation, exposed the people to the incursions of the Iroquois, andcovered all these acts of violence with the pretext of thepermission, which he had from His Majesty, to carry on commercealone in the countries which he might be able to discover."

Cavelier de la Sale could not allow himself to remain exposed tothese calumnious imputations. On the one side, honour prompted himto return to France to exculpate himself; on the other, he would notleave others to reap the profit of his discoveries. He set out,therefore, and received from Seignelay a kindly welcome. Theminister had not been much influenced by the letters of M. de laBarre; he was aware that men could not accomplish great achievementswithout wounding much self-love, nor without making numerous enemies.La Sale took the opportunity to explain to him his project ofdiscovering the mouth of the Mississippi by sea, in order to open away for French vessels, and to found an establishment there. Theminister entered into these views, and gave him a commission whichplaced Frenchmen and savages under his orders, from Fort St. Louisto the sea. At the same time the commandant of the squadron whichwas to transport him to America, was to be under his authority, andto furnish him on his disembarkation with all the succours which hemight require, provided that nothing was done to the prejudice ofthe king. Four vessels, one of them a frigate of forty guns,commanded by M. de Beaujeu were to carry 280 persons, including thecrews, to the mouth of the Mississippi, to form the nucleus of thenew colony. Soldiers and artisans had been very badly chosen, as wasperceived when too late, and no one knew his business. Setting sailfrom La Rochelle, on July 24th, 1684, the little squadron was almostimmediately obliged to return to port, the bowsprit of the frigatehaving broken suddenly in the very finest weather. This inexplicableaccident was the commencement of misunderstanding between M. deBeaujeu and M. de la Sale. The former could scarcely be pleased tosee himself subordinated to a private individual, and did notforgive Cavelier this. Nothing however would have been more easythan to decline the command. La Sale had not the gentleness ofmanner and the politeness necessary to conciliate his companions.The disagreement did but gather force during the voyage by reason ofthe obstacles raised by M. de Beaujeu to the rapidity and secrecy ofthe expedition. The annoyances of La Sale had indeed become so greatwhen he arrived at St. Domingo, that he fell seriously ill. Herecovered, however, and the expedition set sail again on November25th. A month later, it was off Florida; but, as "La Sale had beenassured that in the Gulf of Mexico, all the currents bore eastwards,he did not doubt that the mouth of the Mississippi must be far tothe west; an error which was the source of all his misfortunes."

La Sale then steered to the west, and passed by, without perceivingit, without deigning even to attend to certain signs which he wasasked to observe, the mouth of the Mississippi. When he perceivedhis mistake, and entreated M. de Beaujeu to turn back, the latterwould no longer consent. La Sale, seeing that he could make noimpression upon the contradictory mind of his companion, decided todisembark his men and his provisions in the Bay of St. Bernard. Yet,in this very last act, Beaujeu manifested an amount of culpableill-will, which did as little honour to his judgment as to hispatriotism. Not only was he unwilling to land all the provisions,under the pretext that certain of them being at the bottom of thehold, he had no time to change his stowage, but further he gaveshelter on board his own ship to the master and crew of thetransport, laden with the stores, utensils, and implements necessaryfor a new establishment, people whom everything seems to convict ofhaving purposely cast their vessel upon shore. At the same time, anumber of savages took advantage of the disorder caused by theshipwreck of the transport, to plunder everything on which theycould lay their hands. Nevertheless, La Sale, who had the talent ofnever appearing depressed by misfortune, and who found in his owngenius resources adapted to the circ*mstances of the case, orderedthe works of the establishment to be begun. In order to give courageto his companions, he more than once took part with his own hands inthe work; but very slow progress was made, in consequence of theignorance of the workmen. Struck with the resemblance of thelanguage and habits of the Indians of these parts to those of theMississippi, La Sale was very soon persuaded that he was not fardistant from that river, and made several excursions in order toapproach it. But, if he found a country beautiful and fertile, hedid not make progress towards what he was in search of. He returnedeach time to the fort more gloomy and more harsh; and this was notthe way to restore calm to spirits embittered by sufferings and theinutility of their efforts. Grain had been sown; but scarcely anycame up for want of rain, and what had sprung up was soon laid wasteby the savages and the deer. The hunters who wandered far from thecamp were massacred by the Indians, and sickness found an easy preyin men overwhelmed with ennui, disappointment, and misery. In ashort time, the number of the colonists fell to thirty-seven. Atlength, La Sale resolved to try a last effort to reach theMississippi, and in descending the river to seek help from thenations with which he had made alliance. He set out on January 12th,1687, with his brother, his two nephews, two missionaries, andtwelve colonists. He was approaching the country of the Shawnees,when, in consequence of an altercation between one of his nephewsand three of his companions, these latter assassinated the young manand his servant during their sleep, and resolved immediately to dothe same with the chief of the enterprise. De la Sale, uneasy at notseeing his nephew return, set out to seek him on the morning of the19th, with Father Anastase. The assassins, seeing him approach, layin ambush in a thicket, and one of them shot him in the head, andstretched him on the ground stark dead. Thus perished Cavelier de laSale, "a man of a capacity," says Father Charlevoix, "of a largenessof mind, of a courage and firmness of soul, which might have led himto the achievement of something great, if with so many greatqualities, he had known how to master his gloomy and atrabiliousdisposition, and to soften the severity or rather the harshness ofhis nature...." Many calumnies had been spread abroad against him;but it is necessary so much the more to be on our guard against allthese malevolent reports "as it is only too common to exaggerate thedefects of the unfortunate, to impute to them even some which theyhad not, especially when they have given occasion for theirmisfortune, and have not known how to make themselves beloved. Whatis sadder for the memory of this celebrated man, is that he has beenregretted by few persons, and that the ill-success of hisundertakings—only of his last—has given him the air of anadventurer, among those who judge only by appearances. Unhappily,these are usually the most numerous, and in some degree the voice ofthe public."

Assassination of La Sale.

We have but little to add to these last wise words. La Sale knew nothow to obtain pardon for his first success. We have relatedsubsequently by what concurrence of circ*mstances his secondenterprise miscarried. He died, the victim it may be said, of thejealousy and malevolence of the Chevalier de Beaujeu. It is to thisslight cause that we owe the failure to found in America a powerfulcolony, which would very soon have been found in a condition tocompete with the English establishments.

We have narrated the beginning of the English colonies. The eventswhich took place in England were highly favourable to them. Thereligious persecutions, the revolutions of 1648 and 1688, furnishednumerous recruits, who, animated by an excellent spirit, setthemselves to work, and transported to the other side of theAtlantic the arts, the industry, and in a short time the prosperity,of the mother country. Very soon, the immense forests which coveredVirginia, Pennsylvania, and Carolina, fell beneath the hatchet ofthe "Squatter," and the soil became cleared, while the hunters ofthe woods, driving back the Indians, made the interior of thecountry better known, and prepared the work of civilization.

In Mexico, in the whole of Central America, in Peru, in Chili, andon the shores of the Atlantic, a different state of things prevailed.The Spaniards had extended their conquests; but, far from actinglike the English, they had reduced the Indians to slavery. Insteadof applying themselves to the cultivation appropriate to the varietyof the climates and of the countries of which they had madethemselves masters, they sought only in the produce of the mines theresources and prosperity which they should have endeavoured toobtain from the land. If a country can thus rapidly attainprodigious wealth, yet this factitious system cannot last long. Withthe mines a prosperity which does not renew itself, must ere longbecome exhausted. The Spaniards could not fail to experience the sadresult.

Thus then, at the end of the seventeenth century, a great part ofthe new world was known. In North America, Canada, the shores of theAtlantic and of the Gulf of Mexico, the valley of the Mississippi,the coasts of California and of New Mexico, were discovered orcolonized. All the central part of the continent, from Rio del Norte,as far as Terra Firma, was subject, at least nominally, to theSpaniards. In the south, the savannahs and the forests of Brazil,the pampas of the Argentine, and the interior of Patagonia, escapedthe observation of the explorers, as they were destined to do for along time yet.

In Africa, the long line of coasts, which are washed by the Atlanticand the Indian Oceans, had been patiently followed and observed bynavigators. At some points only, colonists and missionaries hadtried to penetrate the mystery of this vast continent. Senegal,Congo, the valley of the Nile, and Abyssinia, were all that wereknown with some degree of detail and of certainty.

If many of the countries of Asia, surveyed by the travellers of themiddle ages, had not been revisited since that epoch, we hadcarefully explored the whole anterior part of that continent, Indiahad been revealed to us, we had even founded some establishmentsthere, China had been touched by our missionaries, and Japan, thatfamous Cipango which had exercised so great an attraction for ourtravellers of the preceding age, was at length known to us. OnlySiberia and the whole north-east angle of Asia had escaped ourinvestigations, and it was not yet known whether America was notconnected with Asia, a mystery which was before long to be clearedup.

In Oceania, a number of archipelagos, of islands and separate islets,remained still to be discovered, but the islands of Sunda werecolonized, the coasts of Australia and of New Zealand had beenpartially revealed, and the existence of that great continent which,according to Tasman, extended from Tierra del Fuego to New Zealand,began to be doubted; but it still required the long and carefulresearches of Cook to banish definitely into the domain of fable achimera so long cherished.

Geography was on the point of transforming itself. The greatdiscoveries made in astronomy were about to be applied to geography.The labours of Fernel and above all of Picard, upon the measure of aterrestrial degree between Paris and Amiens, had made it clear thatthe globe is not a sphere, but a spheroid, that is to say, a ballflattened at the poles and swollen at the equator, and thus werefound at one stroke the form and the dimensions of the world whichwe inhabit. At length the labours of Picard, continued by La Hireand Cassini, were completed at the commencement of the followingcentury. The astronomical observations, rendered possible by thecalculation of the satellites of Jupiter, enabled us to rectify ourmaps. If this rectification had been already effected with regard tocertain places, it became indispensable when the number of points ofwhich the astronomical position had been observed, had beenconsiderably increased; and this was to be the work of the nextcentury. At the same time, historical geography was more studied; itbegan to take for its foundation the study of inscriptions, andarchæology was about to become one of the most useful instruments ofcomparative geography.

In a word, the seventeenth century is an epoch of transition and ofprogress; it seeks and it finds the powerful means which itssuccessor, the eighteenth century, was destined to put intooperation. The era of the sciences has already opened, and with itthe modern world commences.